{"id":1781,"date":"2026-05-16T10:34:11","date_gmt":"2026-05-16T10:34:11","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/kashgilnews.com\/english\/?p=1781"},"modified":"2026-05-16T10:34:11","modified_gmt":"2026-05-16T10:34:11","slug":"why-couldnt-the-public-awareness-in-ajk-turn-into-organized-resistance","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/kashgilnews.com\/english\/1781\/","title":{"rendered":"Why couldn’t the public awareness in AJK turn into organized resistance?"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

by: Habib-ur-Rehman<\/mark><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Despite the existence of so many forms of oppression, national deprivation, economic inequality, political powerlessness, occupation and social humiliation, why has there not been a spontaneous public awareness that could transform into an organized wave of resistance and give a new direction to society?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Oppression does not automatically create resistance by its presence, but resistance arises when people begin to recognize their individual suffering and deprivation as a collective experience. Although there are many forms of oppression, national deprivation and occupation in the society of Azad Jammu and Kashmir, they are often divided into caste, community, religion, sect, language and regional identities, as a result of which the common deprivation cannot be transformed into a common political consciousness.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

According to Fanon, the oppressed class does not realize its condition when it suffers oppression, but when it understands that this oppression is part of a collective structure. That is, when it is said that oppression is part of a collective structure, it means that people have come to understand that the oppression they face is not an individual accident or personal failure, but the result of an entire social, political and economic system.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In the context of Azad Jammu and Kashmir, this system is not just class or economic but also national and political. The people here have long been facing political powerlessness, limited control over resources, a crisis of representation and deprivation of real participation in state decisions. For many people, this situation has taken the form of an occupation where the local population does not have full control over their land, resources and political future.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

For example, if a farmer is deprived of land, he first thinks that he is unlucky or that his clan is powerful, but when he sees that thousands of farmers are similarly landless, he realizes that the problem is not just his personal one but the entire system of land distribution. Similarly, if a worker is getting low wages, he first thinks that my employer has wronged me, but when he looks around and sees that low wages, insecure employment and exploitation of labour are characteristic of the entire economic structure, he begins to see his problem not as a personal one but as a class problem.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Similarly, when a young person feels that his national identity, political voice and collective future are constantly under the influence of external forces, his problem is not just a personal deprivation but takes the form of a national deprivation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Understanding the collective structure actually leads to collective consciousness.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This perception is constantly undermined in the society of Azad Jammu and Kashmir. Here, the centers of power operate not only through state coercion but also through cultural and ideological means. Religious interpretations, the fraternity system, feudal relations and patronage politics often push the deprived classes towards individual survival rather than collective resistance against their conditions. As a result, anger arises, but it dissipates rather than being assimilated into the collective consciousness.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Another important problem is that the resistance energies that are generated are often absorbed by formal politics or the elite. A local protest, a public demand or class unrest is soon absorbed into the political interests of a party, a community or a powerful group.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

For example, inflation, rising prices of electricity, petrol, lack of access to education and health, unemployment, business stagnation, industrial decline, national deprivation and political powerlessness are such material factors that generate widespread public unrest and resistance energy. These are issues that can unite different classes in a common pain and give rise to a broad collective consciousness.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But in practice it often happens that as soon as this public unrest begins to emerge, formal political parties, especially the forces in the opposition, absorb it into their political narrative and public anger becomes part of a party strategy instead of becoming an independent social force, i.e. a movement. Thus, public energy is unable to maintain its independent direction. According to Fanon, public consciousness loses its autonomy and once again becomes part of the elite agenda.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

There is a psychological aspect to this. Prolonged oppression does not only create anger, it sometimes also creates despair and helplessness. When a society experiences continuous failures, broken promises and incomplete changes, it begins to feel that change is not possible.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The problem here is not just the presence of oppression, but the incompleteness of the collective consciousness that can transform this oppression, national deprivation and occupation into a common political question. Until the different deprived classes see their fragmented suffering as a common historical experience, i.e. the peasant says that my problem is only land, the worker says that my problem is only wages, the student says that my problem is only education, the woman says that my problem is only gender oppression, and the youth says that my problem is only political powerlessness, then everyone will remain fragmented.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But when they all begin to understand that the root of all our problems lies in the same unjust social, economic and political system, their separate sufferings become a common historical experience. Historical because it is not just a problem of today but an outdated and unjust structure that has been going on for generations, and common because despite its different forms, its root is the same.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The most important thing is that until the deprived classes have a clear alternative socio-political concept, resistance will not be able to take its full form. That is, if a farmerIf there is anger, it is not enough to just say that the village should end. The question is what will happen after that? Who will own the land? How will the land be distributed? Who will have the power to produce? Who will make the decisions in the village? The village or the people’s committee?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

If the people are against the current elite, central control and political occupation, then what is the alternative? Will power again go to a new leader? Or will authority be transferred to the grassroots, to the union council, village, neighborhood and workers’ councils? Will decision-making be public or will it be centralized again at the top?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Anger alone does not make a revolution, an alternative concept gives direction to the revolution. When the oppressed class is not clear about what the new society will be like, what often happens is that they overthrow the old system, but in its place the same structure returns with new faces.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Therefore, if an alternative concept is not created, resistance will create small reactions, but it will not be able to turn into a wave of widespread social, national and political change.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u066d\u066d\u066d<\/mark><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Despite the existence of so many forms of oppression, national deprivation, economic inequality, political powerlessness, occupation and social humiliation, why has there not been a spontaneous public awareness that could transform into an organized wave of resistance and give a new direction to society?<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":1782,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_themeisle_gutenberg_block_has_review":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[28],"tags":[224,102,94,34,37],"class_list":["post-1781","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-opinion","tag-habib-rehman","tag-jkjaac","tag-kashmir","tag-pakistan","tag-pok"],"yoast_head":"\nWhy couldn't the public awareness in AJK turn into organized resistance? - Kashgil News<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/kashgilnews.com\/english\/1781\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Why couldn't the public awareness in AJK turn into organized resistance? 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