{"id":2285,"date":"2026-07-17T17:47:56","date_gmt":"2026-07-17T17:47:56","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/kashgilnews.com\/english\/?p=2285"},"modified":"2026-07-17T17:51:09","modified_gmt":"2026-07-17T17:51:09","slug":"38-days-of-protests-and-lockdown-in-jammu-and-kashmir-whats-next","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/kashgilnews.com\/english\/2285\/","title":{"rendered":"38 Days of Protests and Lockdown in Jammu and Kashmir, What’s Next?"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

Kashgil News Exclusive Report<\/mark><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

By: Haris Qadir\/Umair Khurshid<\/strong><\/mark><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The ongoing civil rights movement in Pakistan-administered Jammu and Kashmir for the past three years has witnessed unprecedented incidents in the past month. As of July 14, the lockdown in Rawalakot has completed 38 days, while the statewide lockdown has completed 34 days. At least 50 people have lost their lives so far in various incidents of force operations and attacks, hundreds have been injured and hundreds have been arrested. The march that started from Bhimber on June 9 has been in the form of a camp a few kilometers away from Rawalakot for 34 days. Along with this main protest sit-in, 5 more protest sit-ins have been set up on all four sides of Rawalakot. A sit-in is set up on the main road connecting Poonch to Islamabad on the Bus Terminal Goyan Nala Road, a protest sit-in is also set up on the Singula Road connecting Poonch to Bagh, two protest sit-ins have been set up at Mujahidabad and Paniola on the highway connecting Poonch to Muzaffarabad. Similarly, a protest sit-in has been set up near Pothi Makwalan High School on the Shujaabad Road connecting Rawalakot to Bagh. The leadership has announced to hold a long march on July 15 if the demands are not accepted, while the state is ready to stop the long march in both cases. In this regard, forces attacked the bus terminal sit-in on the morning of July 14. A heavy contingent of forces was being moved through Balochistan to block the main sit-in from behind, which was stopped first in Balochistan and later in Bethak Awanabad. At least 8 people have lost their lives in these incidents, while many have been injured.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

State decision and crackdown<\/mark><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The state had taken the final decision to crush the movement and started the crackdown on June 5 itself, 4 days before the start of the long march. Earlier, various rounds of negotiations were held, the final negotiations were held with representatives of the federal government of Pakistan in Muzaffarabad on May 30. After the failure of the negotiations, when the leadership of the movement maintained the decision of the long march, the state also started preparations for decisive action.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The election schedule was first announced on June 5, after which a notification was issued declaring the Joint Public Action Committee and the Public Action Committees as terrorists and declaring them banned. At the same time, 14,000 forces were also called from the Pakistani government, later more than 8,000 forces were sent from Pakistan to Jammu and Kashmir. On the night of June 5, a crackdown was launched by shutting down internet services. Several people were arrested in raids in different cities. Roadblocks were set up in attempts to arrest 27 members of the central leadership. Meanwhile, on a tip-off, the convoy of Umar Nazir Kashmiri, a key leader of the movement, was attacked. During this, a key leader of the movement, Shazeb Habib, died on the spot after being shot in the head by the forces, while Umar Nazir Kashmiri was also seriously injured after being shot in the ear and face.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A lockdown had been started in Rawalakot since June 6 against this action of the forces. A protest sit-in was held in front of the Combined Military Hospital (CMH) by placing Shazeb Habib’s body. On the night of June 7, the Rangers dispersed the sit-in through an operation. During this time, at least 24 people lost their lives, while 7 force personnel also lost their lives. However, the actual death toll could not be known because the bodies of Shazib Habib and others killed were safely buried by the police. The actual number can be known only after the situation becomes peaceful.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The state, adopting a policy of \u2018zero tolerance\u2019, imposed curfew in Rawalakot. Operations continued in other cities as well. During this time, the houses of workers involved in the movement were vandalized, the offices of action committees and political organizations were sealed and vandalized, and citizens\u2019 vehicles, motorcycles and other equipment were also destroyed. In Rawalakot, the forces broke the shutters of at least 7 shops and looted them, while a petrol pump was also looted.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Islamabad Police is setting up checkpoints at various places in Rawalakot city, parading the identities of citizens coming and going, and checking mobile phones. Citizens are subjected to brutal torture after seeing any kind of protest image or video on their mobile phones and then taken to the police station.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hundreds of citizens have been arrested in different cities, including a large number of young boys. Torture of prisoners in police stations is common. Local police have been assigned only to monitor, the work of dispersing protests and sit-ins is entrusted to the Rangers, searches, arrests and torture at checkpoints are being carried out by the Islamabad police. In other words, the process of collective punishment of the people of Jammu and Kashmir for protesting is going on. Prisoners have been kept in extremely poor conditions in police stations, where torture and humiliation are the norm. Several youths have been kept in custody for more than a month with injuries.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

According to state data, 425 people have been included in Schedule IV, more than 194 cases have been registered and more than 450 people have been arrested. The actual number of arrests is much higher than the official figures.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Local police officers are taking bribes worth thousands and millions of rupees to release those arrested. The police and security agencies have been accused of this state policy has made it an excellent source of income.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Retaliatory actions<\/mark><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A series of retaliatory actions has also been continued to prevent citizens from participating in the protests. Steps have been taken to freeze the accounts of businessmen, seize their properties, and dozens of properties have been seized, hundreds of accounts have been frozen. Mobile phone numbers registered in the names of people included in Schedule IV of the Anti-Terrorism Act have also been blocked.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

More than 100 government employees, including teachers, have been suspended from their jobs on suspicion of participating in the protest sit-ins. The pensions of more than 90 retired soldiers have been stopped, while action has also been initiated against at least 7 serving military personnel.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Special orders have also been issued to private educational institutions to prevent their students from participating in the protests, otherwise the registration of the educational institutions will be cancelled.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

After arresting various people associated with the movement, including the arrested movement leaders, the process of taking video statements of disassociation from the committee in exchange for their release is also ongoing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

There is strict surveillance by the Punjab Police on the routes from Islamabad to Jammu and Kashmir. Freight vehicles have been completely stopped, however, passengers carrying rations or daily necessities in private vehicles are also stopped. They are allowed to travel after taking away essential items. Due to this, there is a severe shortage of food and medicines in the region.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Negotiation process<\/mark><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

After the decision to crush the movement at the state level, no invitation has been given for direct negotiations yet. However, various rounds of mediation have taken place regarding the negotiations. Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam chief Maulana Fazlur Rehman, scholars claiming to be representatives of Corps Commander Gujranwala, a delegation from the Bar Council, a delegation led by the Mayor of Rawalakot, Chairman District Council and President Bar, Commissioner Poonch and a businessman who has won a high civil award, have held various sessions of talks with the available leadership of the movement, playing the role of mediators.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Meanwhile, an attempt is being made to present the same condition set by the empowered government in different ways. Relief is being offered in the event of unconditional termination of the long march and sit-in. However, the condition of joining the talks has been imposed on the committee to withdraw the notification declaring it null and void, withdraw the prices of the heads, close the cases, release the arrested, return the bodies of the deceased, etc.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Media and Intellectuals<\/mark><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

There are also few examples of the one-sided way in which the state propaganda has been described in the traditional media regarding this movement. Instead of the movement and the leadership as a whole, the entire Kashmiri nation was declared traitors and rebels, maintaining the previous colonial approach. A campaign of hatred and ridicule was launched against the Kashmiris. The irony of this is that this process was sponsored by the government.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Along with state policies, the psychology of the center has been dominant in the media as well. The process of declaring the demand for rights within Jammu and Kashmir as a rebellion against Pakistan is being described as if only those who fully comply with the interpretation of politicians, intellectuals and media stars sitting at the center have the right to survive in this region. The impression was also strongly given that the state is only interested in the lands and resources of Jammu and Kashmir, and no one has any interest in the population and people.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

As a result of this propaganda, the forces sent from the center in Jammu and Kashmir also considered it right to adhere to the method of collective punishment of a nation or political unit for defying the protest. Thus, the intellectual circles have only advocated mass murder by declaring an entire political unit as traitors and beggars instead of demanding rights. These historical events that took place in Jammu and Kashmir and the history-making protests of overseas Kashmiris have not found any significant space in the international media either.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

An everlasting story of public sacrifices<\/mark><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

After June 5, this part of Jammu and Kashmir has witnessed an everlasting history of public unity, solidarity and self-organization. More than a month of complete strike and protest sit-ins have set a unique example in known human history. The Long March began from Bhimber on June 9. The participants of the Long March have created an unprecedented history of unity and solidarity in this region. The marchers made an unexpected stop in Drek, but within a few hours, arrangements were made to keep the sit-in going for several months. The same was done at the other 5 sit-ins. The citizens spontaneously adopted an unprecedented method of security at the sit-ins and in the surrounding areas under their control and ensured its implementation. The duties of security and leadership supervision of the sit-ins are also being performed in such a way that a timeless history of collective sacrifices and efforts of humans for a great cause is being created. The steps taken for food distribution are also unparalleled. Despite the lockdown in all cities and guards on the roads, the people did not even take a few hours to arrange ration.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

When difficult times came, the strength with which women participated in protest sit-ins and demonstrations, defeating the fear of state repression and firing by the forces, is perhaps unparalleled in the history of Jammu and Kashmir. Women are walking for miles to become part of protest programs, and even children are participating in protests until late at night By remaining in the state, they are not only defeating all the prejudices of the past, but are also forcing the state that state officials are expressing state fear of women’s participation by making traditional and reactionary attacks through official press conferences.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Leadership Strategy<\/mark><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would not be right to consider the current leadership of this movement and its strategy as the result of decisions of a few individuals. It was formed by the social and political structure of the movement itself. Progressive and nationalist political parties played an important role in laying the foundation of this movement, however, with the passage of time, the role of trade unions became more prominent. These unions have always been important in the politics of this region because they have the practical ability to suspend normal life and business through shutter-down and wheel-jam strikes. One reason for this was that a part of the leadership of these organizations was already associated with nationalist and progressive circles at various levels, so it proved relatively easy for them to gain a decisive position within the movement.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This situation was a strength in its own right, and its limitations were also hidden within it. Trade union politics is essentially structured around the creation of organized public pressure to obtain concessions and privileges from the state or the capitalist class. Strikes, shutter-downs, sit-ins and economic pressure are the main weapons in this style of politics. But this method also has its inherent limitations. It does not automatically provide a comprehensive political program for a long political struggle, a changing objective situation, or a continuous confrontation with the state. Therefore, when this tendency prevails under the leadership of a broad popular movement, increasing pressure itself becomes a strategy, while the political direction after this pressure remains relatively unclear.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This method also proved effective in the early stages of the movement. Unprecedented public participation, continuous resistance and sacrifices forced the state to accept a number of demands. This success further strengthened the notion that in each subsequent stage, only more intense public pressure, longer sit-ins and long marches will produce the desired results. However, every successful strategy also hits its limits after a stage. In changing political conditions, if the strategy does not change, it becomes stagnant despite its previous successes.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In the same context, negotiations were also mainly held with powerful state circles. The details of these negotiations, political differences and the future course of action could not be given much development at the public level. On the other hand, the space within the movement for those voices that wanted to lead it towards a broad political program, organizational expansion or struggle in different fields was also limited. The position was often taken that the movement should be kept \u201capolitical\u201d, although the fact is that in every major conflict with the state, it is the coercive intervention of the state itself that makes the popular movement political. The history of popular struggle repeatedly teaches that a movement takes a political form not only on the basis of its initial demands, but also as a result of the state\u2019s response.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Another trend also gradually strengthened within the movement, which influenced its political direction. As the progressive forces weakened, nationalist tendencies gained relatively more space. Under this trend, the idea emerged that the state could be brought under more effective pressure primarily during electoral processes, administrative activities or symbolic political crises. In this context, creating the impression of boycotting elections, abolishing certain constitutional provisions and other political demands were made part of the movement\u2019s agenda. However, the political logic of these demands, their practical implications and the strategy to achieve them were never fully explained to the public.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

As a result, a contradiction arose. On the one hand, slogans were adopted that had far-reaching political meanings, on the other hand, when the state used these slogans as a basis for propaganda, they were repeatedly explained or distanced from them. This situation is detrimental to any popular movement. If a demand is correct, it should be presented to the public with full political clarity, and if it cannot be defended, then it should not be part of the movement\u2019s strategy at all. Political ambiguity never remains in a vacuum; the state always fills the vacuum with its own narrative.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The same situation is seen on the question of elections. There is no doubt that elections held within the current constitutional framework are not entirely free, fair or a true expression of popular power. State interference, administrative influence and an unequal political arena are part of this whole system. But it does not automatically follow from this fact that the electoral arena is always and in all circumstances unusable for a popular movement.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Popular movements do not only put pressure on the state; they also transform political possibilities themselves. Extraordinary popular mobilization creates opportunities that do not exist under normal circumstances. If millions of people are on the streets, if the political environment is shaped by popular pressure, and if the state is forced to adopt a defensive position on every front, elections can also become an arena for this struggle.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This does not mean trusting parliamentary politics or considering elections as the main means of change. Rather, it means that where the state provides a field, the popular movement should also try to use this field to its advantage. If the movement uses its organizational strength Lasalle would have interfered in the electoral process by maintaining a public presence and pressure on the streets. If the people themselves had mobilized to protect their votes and mandates, then at least the pressure could have been increased for those constitutional reforms and basic demands that the movement itself has been declaring possible within the constitutional framework.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

At the same time, the entire energy of the movement from the leadership has been repeatedly focused on the same method, namely, long marches, shutter-downs and sit-ins. It is impossible to deny the effectiveness of these methods, but any strategy reaches its limit when it becomes an end in itself. If the response to each new political situation is the same old method, the movement gradually provides its opponent with the opportunity to learn, prepare and use its coercion in a more systematic manner.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The state learns from every conflict. It improves its intelligence, reorganizes its administrative structure, adopts new methods of coercion and emerges more prepared than before for the next phase. If the movement does not change its strategy at the same pace, its political possibilities begin to be limited over time, even if its strength remains.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

That is why the real strength of any popular movement lies not only in its passion or sacrifice, but in its ability to constantly reshape its strategy according to changing circumstances. This is the question that needs the most serious consideration at the present stage.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The question of international strategy, the United Nations and power<\/mark><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

At the present stage, proposals have also emerged from certain circles within the movement for the establishment of a local authority under the supervision of the United Nations or for a political solution through international intervention. These proposals appear to be a way out of the current impasse, but they should be seriously examined not on the basis of wishes but on the basis of the current balance of world powers and the concrete realities of international politics.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It is often argued that since the issue of Jammu and Kashmir is present in the United Nations, international institutions can play a role at some stage in the establishment of a local administration or an interim political arrangement. This argument itself ignores several fundamental questions. The status of any international organization is determined less by its resolutions and more by the balance of power behind it. The United Nations has never been a neutral political force independent of world powers in history. Where the interests of major states are directly present, its role does not go beyond the sphere of those interests.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The problem is not only the historical nature of the United Nations. A more important question is the current global situation. Despite such a long popular resistance, continuous state repression, hundreds of arrests, restrictions on expression and public sacrifices, this movement has not been able to achieve the place in the global media that a popular struggle of this magnitude should have. One reason for this is, of course, the intense state pressure on local journalists and media outlets, which has made independent reporting almost impossible. However, if the whole problem were only local censorship, the global media would certainly fill this gap to some extent.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The fact is that even international media are not completely independent of the interrelations of states. The priorities of the global media are also largely influenced by the current balance of diplomatic, military and economic power. In the present era, the Pakistani state is playing an important strategic role for the imperialist powers in the region. This role has strengthened its international diplomatic status. In such circumstances, not only major states but also international institutions and media affiliated with them avoid direct confrontation with Pakistan. This is why, despite such a widespread public crisis, there is neither sustained international pressure nor the kind of diplomatic intervention that some circles are basing their strategies on.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In this context, the first question is how such an authority will come into being? Which political force will persuade Pakistan to do so? Which international alliance will enforce this demand? And which power in the current global balance is willing to pay its political or diplomatic price for it? Without clear answers to these questions, such proposals seem like wishes rather than political strategies.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

An even more important question is the survival of this authority. Assuming that such a local authority is established in an exceptional situation, on what will its legal status, international acceptance, economic resources and political survival depend? In the present circumstances, no important state seems ready to recognize such a political authority without the consent of Pakistan. The life of any political arrangement depends not only on its declaration but also on its international acceptance and practical support. When these two factors are not present, such proposals, instead of providing a viable path for the movement, lead it towards a horizon whose means of achievement are not even determined.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Similarly, there is talk of seizing state power by some circles within the movement. This question also needs to be seen not at the level of slogans but at the level of practical politics. The question of state power is the most serious political question of any popular movement. It cannot be discussed on the basis of mere slogans or desires. Power is not just about gaining control over a building, office or administrative center, but also about resources, production, finances, expectations Authority is the name of legal legitimacy, popular consent and practical control over the sources of power.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This question becomes even more important in the specific circumstances of Pakistani-administered Jammu and Kashmir. Here, the presence of a president, prime minister, assembly and other state institutions seemingly creates the impression of an independent state, but the real center of power does not exist in these institutions. The basic constitutional, administrative, financial and security power of this region is concentrated in the hands of the Pakistani state. That is why the question of power here cannot be understood by limiting it to the administrative structure of Muzaffarabad alone.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The economic structure also reflects this reality. Industrial production in the region is negligible. Large-scale employment is linked to the income of workers abroad, while the local economy, business and even government finances depend to a large extent on these same remittances. In such an economy, the question of political power cannot be separated from the question of economic resources. If a movement does not have a clear program on the basis of which it will organize resources, finances, production, remittances and relations with state institutions, the question of power loses its practical basis.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Another fundamental fact cannot be ignored here. The state, in the final analysis, is the name of the institutions of organized oppression. Therefore, if a movement wants to give practical form to the question of state power, it must also make clear on the basis of which political, organizational and social force it will face the inevitable clash with the Pakistani state. Ignoring this question and simply repeating the slogan of \u201cseizing power\u201d does not constitute a political strategy.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This debate is also linked to the overall political reality of Jammu and Kashmir. Jammu and Kashmir is not a unified political entity today but a region divided into different state arrangements. Therefore, the progress made in one part cannot be seen completely in isolation from the rest. This does not mean that before taking every step, one should wait for the creation of uniform conditions in the entire region or in Pakistan, but it is nevertheless important that any strategy be based on the existing objective balance, and not on abstract political formulas.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Women\u2019s Participation in the Movement<\/mark><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

As the balance of leadership within the movement changed, so did its political priorities and social roles. This change was not limited to strategy but also affected the question of which classes and social groups the movement considered its active part.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

When progressive forces were relatively more active, attempts were made to consciously make women\u2019s participation a part of the movement. In this context, it was made clear through women\u2019s marches and other activities that the movement was not just a struggle for a few demands but a process of political participation of wider sections of society.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

However, as progressive tendencies receded into the background and the position of keeping the movement \u201capolitical\u201d became dominant, conservative social tendencies and traditional nationalist thinking also gained relatively more space. These tendencies began to consider women\u2019s free and prominent political participation as a problem rather than a positive development. Some quarters also argued that women should be limited to a limited role in protest activities, long marches and sit-ins, or even kept away from such gatherings.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

However, objective circumstances have also highlighted the limits of this thinking. When state repression intensifies, arrests, sieges and violence become common, the struggle itself creates new social roles for itself. This was also the case in this movement. Women did not come to the streets as a result of any concession or symbolic representation, but they themselves emerged as an active part of this struggle. They not only participated actively in protests, sit-ins and public gatherings, but were also seen in the forefront of resistance in many places.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This development cannot be seen as a mere temporary need or a response to state repression. It is one of the most important political and social achievements of this movement. For a movement in which women have such widespread participation, any attempt to restrict them again to traditional social boundaries would in fact be tantamount to limiting the social horizon of the movement itself.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It is also important to understand that the reason for this widespread participation of women is not only that they were invited to join the movement. A fundamental reason for this is that the oppression of women by the current economic, social and political system affects them with a relatively greater intensity. Women bear the brunt of the burden of employment, education, health, mobility, domestic work and social restrictions. That is why when popular resistance takes the form of a broad social movement, women\u2019s participation is not an exception but a natural consequence.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Nevertheless, there are still tendencies within the movement today that favor limiting this active and prominent participation of women. This is not just a question of women\u2019s rights but a question of the direction of the movement itself. A movement that limits the political participation of half of its population also limits its collective power. On the contrary, the free, organized and equal participation of women not only broadens the social base of the movement but also makes it more democratic, more public and more sustainable.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

What is to be done?<\/mark><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

At present, the only viable option is to wait for more time to find an opportunity for negotiations and to hold sit-ins with patience and determination for a nerve-wracking victory. However, those who clothe the leadership and the decisions of the leadership in words must keep this in mind It is true that in this region, the method of seizing power and repeatedly challenging the state by holding long marches is actually a messenger of destruction and is hovering over everyone’s heads. This method has taken dozens of lives.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Like other phenomena in the universe, politics also travels from simple to complex. The politics of the traders’ union and the politics of sects are based on very simple measures, however, as a result of the emergence of a movement and large-scale public intervention, it takes a very complex direction. That is why it becomes necessary to formulate a strategy based on deep ideological and political understanding, and to choose a political method. To solve deep and complex political phenomena, mere demands are not enough, but alternative ideas and a complete alternative political program are needed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It is necessary to end the impression of boycotting elections, abandon the strategy of confrontation, and above all, move towards making a political strategy for the future. In case of temporary victory or soft landing, instead of rushing to all political leaderships by sticking their horns in the dust, a practical strategy should be adopted to build an alternative politics by going through a major consultative process.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Learning from the surrender of core members and becoming promissory notes, reactionaries, defenders of state interests and people belonging to ruling elite parties should be removed from this movement. Space should be provided to elements engaged in resistance politics so that a better and workable political strategy can be formulated.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Demands<\/mark><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Immediately recall all forces sent to the Pakistani-administered part of Jammu and Kashmir. Release those arrested. Hand over the bodies of the slain to their heirs. Immediately withdraw the notification declaring the Joint Public Action Committee and other action committees, which are engaged in peaceful political struggle, as banned and terrorist, and apologize to the people of Jammu and Kashmir at the official level. Action should be taken against the unknown personnel of the forces who attacked Umar Nazir and his associates and killed Shazeeb Habib. The officials involved in the violence, arrests, massacres and looting during the past one month should be brought to justice. Putting a price on the heads of political leaders is a very despicable and imperialist move, which should be withdrawn immediately. All fake cases should be immediately dismissed. Compensation should be paid to all victims. The elections should be postponed immediately and the election schedule should be reissued after the situation is brought back to normal and all political workers should be given the right to be a part of the electoral process. The demands that have been approved many times should be implemented immediately.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Above all, the right to form an empowered and constitutional government should be given to the people of this region by abolishing this colonial structure, so that renegotiations can be made with the government of Pakistan through the elected representatives of the people to run the administrative and financial affairs until the issue of Jammu and Kashmir is resolved, and the people of this region can be freed from a life of slavery and humiliation and enabled to use their resources as a dignified human being for the collective public purposes of this region.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u066d\u066d\u066d<\/mark><\/strong><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

The ongoing civil rights movement in Pakistan-administered Jammu and Kashmir for the past three years has witnessed unprecedented incidents in the past month. As of July 14, the lockdown in Rawalakot has completed 38 days, while the statewide lockdown has completed 34 days. At least 50 people have lost their lives so far in various incidents of force operations and attacks, hundreds have been injured and hundreds have been arrested. The march that started from Bhimber on June 9 has been in the form of a camp a few kilometers away from Rawalakot for 34 days. Along with this main protest sit-in, 5 more protest sit-ins have been set up on all four sides of Rawalakot. A sit-in is set up on the main road connecting Poonch to Islamabad on the Bus Terminal Goyan Nala Road, a protest sit-in is also set up on the Singula Road connecting Poonch to Bagh, two protest sit-ins have been set up at Mujahidabad and Paniola on the highway connecting Poonch to Muzaffarabad. Similarly, a protest sit-in has been set up near Pothi Makwalan High School on the Shujaabad Road connecting Rawalakot to Bagh. The leadership has announced to hold a long march on July 15 if the demands are not accepted, while the state is ready to stop the long march in both cases. In this regard, forces attacked the bus terminal sit-in on the morning of July 14. A heavy contingent of forces was being moved through Balochistan to block the main sit-in from behind, which was stopped first in Balochistan and later in Bethak Awanabad. At least 8 people have lost their lives in these incidents, while many have been injured.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":2284,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_themeisle_gutenberg_block_has_review":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[24],"tags":[40,55,102,34,46,37],"class_list":["post-2285","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analysis","tag-government-of-pakistan","tag-government-of-pok","tag-jkjaac","tag-pakistan","tag-pakistan-army","tag-pok"],"yoast_head":"\n38 Days of Protests and Lockdown in Jammu and Kashmir, What's Next? - Kashgil News<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/kashgilnews.com\/english\/2285\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"38 Days of Protests and Lockdown in Jammu and Kashmir, What's Next?\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"The ongoing civil rights movement in Pakistan-administered Jammu and Kashmir for the past three years has witnessed unprecedented incidents in the past month. As of July 14, the lockdown in Rawalakot has completed 38 days, while the statewide lockdown has completed 34 days. At least 50 people have lost their lives so far in various incidents of force operations and attacks, hundreds have been injured and hundreds have been arrested. The march that started from Bhimber on June 9 has been in the form of a camp a few kilometers away from Rawalakot for 34 days. Along with this main protest sit-in, 5 more protest sit-ins have been set up on all four sides of Rawalakot. A sit-in is set up on the main road connecting Poonch to Islamabad on the Bus Terminal Goyan Nala Road, a protest sit-in is also set up on the Singula Road connecting Poonch to Bagh, two protest sit-ins have been set up at Mujahidabad and Paniola on the highway connecting Poonch to Muzaffarabad. Similarly, a protest sit-in has been set up near Pothi Makwalan High School on the Shujaabad Road connecting Rawalakot to Bagh. The leadership has announced to hold a long march on July 15 if the demands are not accepted, while the state is ready to stop the long march in both cases. In this regard, forces attacked the bus terminal sit-in on the morning of July 14. A heavy contingent of forces was being moved through Balochistan to block the main sit-in from behind, which was stopped first in Balochistan and later in Bethak Awanabad. At least 8 people have lost their lives in these incidents, while many have been injured.\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:url\" content=\"https:\/\/kashgilnews.com\/english\/2285\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:site_name\" content=\"Kashgil News\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:published_time\" content=\"2026-07-17T17:47:56+00:00\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:modified_time\" content=\"2026-07-17T17:51:09+00:00\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:image\" content=\"https:\/\/kashgilnews.com\/english\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/07\/38-days-of-sit-ins-in-Kashmir-Eng.jpg\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:width\" content=\"2000\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:height\" content=\"1144\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:type\" content=\"image\/jpeg\" \/>\n<meta name=\"author\" content=\"newskashgil\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:card\" content=\"summary_large_image\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:label1\" content=\"Written by\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:data1\" content=\"newskashgil\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:label2\" content=\"Est. reading time\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:data2\" content=\"23 minutes\" \/>\n<script type=\"application\/ld+json\" class=\"yoast-schema-graph\">{\"@context\":\"https:\\\/\\\/schema.org\",\"@graph\":[{\"@type\":\"Article\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/kashgilnews.com\\\/english\\\/2285\\\/#article\",\"isPartOf\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/kashgilnews.com\\\/english\\\/2285\\\/\"},\"author\":{\"name\":\"newskashgil\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/kashgilnews.com\\\/english\\\/#\\\/schema\\\/person\\\/1d4269e397d7cd1134a94bffd47eaf1d\"},\"headline\":\"38 Days of Protests and Lockdown in Jammu and Kashmir, What’s Next?\",\"datePublished\":\"2026-07-17T17:47:56+00:00\",\"dateModified\":\"2026-07-17T17:51:09+00:00\",\"mainEntityOfPage\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/kashgilnews.com\\\/english\\\/2285\\\/\"},\"wordCount\":5143,\"publisher\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/kashgilnews.com\\\/english\\\/#organization\"},\"image\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/kashgilnews.com\\\/english\\\/2285\\\/#primaryimage\"},\"thumbnailUrl\":\"https:\\\/\\\/kashgilnews.com\\\/english\\\/wp-content\\\/uploads\\\/2026\\\/07\\\/38-days-of-sit-ins-in-Kashmir-Eng.jpg\",\"keywords\":[\"Government of Pakistan\",\"Government of POK\",\"JKJAAC\",\"Pakistan\",\"Pakistan Army\",\"POK\"],\"articleSection\":[\"Analysis\"],\"inLanguage\":\"en-US\"},{\"@type\":\"WebPage\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/kashgilnews.com\\\/english\\\/2285\\\/\",\"url\":\"https:\\\/\\\/kashgilnews.com\\\/english\\\/2285\\\/\",\"name\":\"38 Days of Protests and Lockdown in Jammu and Kashmir, What's Next? 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As of July 14, the lockdown in Rawalakot has completed 38 days, while the statewide lockdown has completed 34 days. At least 50 people have lost their lives so far in various incidents of force operations and attacks, hundreds have been injured and hundreds have been arrested. The march that started from Bhimber on June 9 has been in the form of a camp a few kilometers away from Rawalakot for 34 days. Along with this main protest sit-in, 5 more protest sit-ins have been set up on all four sides of Rawalakot. A sit-in is set up on the main road connecting Poonch to Islamabad on the Bus Terminal Goyan Nala Road, a protest sit-in is also set up on the Singula Road connecting Poonch to Bagh, two protest sit-ins have been set up at Mujahidabad and Paniola on the highway connecting Poonch to Muzaffarabad. Similarly, a protest sit-in has been set up near Pothi Makwalan High School on the Shujaabad Road connecting Rawalakot to Bagh. The leadership has announced to hold a long march on July 15 if the demands are not accepted, while the state is ready to stop the long march in both cases. In this regard, forces attacked the bus terminal sit-in on the morning of July 14. A heavy contingent of forces was being moved through Balochistan to block the main sit-in from behind, which was stopped first in Balochistan and later in Bethak Awanabad. 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