{"id":2982,"date":"2026-09-19T06:01:00","date_gmt":"2026-09-19T06:01:00","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/kashgilnews.com\/english\/?p=2982"},"modified":"2026-09-19T06:01:01","modified_gmt":"2026-09-19T06:01:01","slug":"three-years-one-movement-how-the-jammu-kashmir-joint-awami-action-committee-was-formed-and-where-it-stands-today","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/kashgilnews.com\/english\/2982\/","title":{"rendered":"Three Years, One Movement : How the Jammu Kashmir Joint Awami Action Committee Was Formed and Where It Stands Today"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

Story: Farhan Tariq<\/mark><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Three years have passed since the establishment of the Jammu Kashmir Joint Awami Action Committee in Pakistan-administered Kashmir. This committee did not come into existence overnight or through the decision of a single political party; rather, it was founded through the collective struggle of various protest movements\u2014addressing issues such as flour prices, electricity, taxes, privileges, and basic civic rights\u2014involving local action committees, traders, students, civil society, and nationalist and progressive political activists.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The story begins in August 2022, when nationalist leaders announced the launch of a movement for public rights during a press conference in Rawalakot. At that stage, leaders affiliated with the Jammu Kashmir Liberation Front, the People’s Revolutionary Front, the Jammu Kashmir National Students Federation, and the Jammu Kashmir National Awami Party were involved in the initiative.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

However, there was no central “Joint Public Action Committee” at the time; the movement was being driven forward by various local action committees, student organizations, traders, civil society groups, and political activists.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Spark Ignited by Flour Prices<\/mark><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

On May 9, 2023\u2014during the tenure of the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) government\u2014a notification was issued announcing a price hike of 600 rupees per maund<\/em> (approx. 40 kg) for flour in the region. Following this decision, flour depots in various areas were shut down, and there was a refusal to supply existing stocks at the old rates.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Citizens and traders in Rawalakot launched protests. Their demand was for flour to be supplied at the previous rates; however, when the district administration and the Food Department failed to accept this demand, a sit-in protest was initiated.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

On that same day, a six-member committee was formed, and a decision was made to continue the sit-in protest in front of the flour depot supply market. Within a few weeks, the protest spread from Rawalakot to other districts of the Poonch Division and to Kotli. Major demonstrations took place on May 27 in Rawalakot, Khaigala, and other locations. On May 31, a “shut-down” strike was announced across all four districts of the Poonch Division as well as at the tehsil level.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

At this stage, there was no single central committee; however, action committees formed in various locations were increasingly linking up with one another.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Electricity Bills and Civil Disobedience<\/mark><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The scope of the protest widened further in August 2023. Rising electricity prices in the region and the promulgation of an ordinance aimed at keeping government employees away from the protests further intensified the public backlash.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The movement reached a significant turning point on August 23, 2023.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Thousands of electricity bills were set ablaze in Poonch, Sudhnoti, Bagh, and Kotli. Subsequently, electricity bills began to be collected in Mirpur as well, accompanied by announcements of a refusal to pay them.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

By the end of August, the protests had extended to the Muzaffarabad Division. A call for a transport and business shutdown (pahiya jam<\/em> and shut-down<\/em>) was issued for August 31 in Muzaffarabad, Neelum, and Jhelum Valley, while strikes were also observed in the Poonch and Mirpur divisions at the start of September.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The movement was no longer confined to the issue of flour prices. Electricity costs, taxes, the privileges of the ruling elite, the local share of revenue from hydel projects, and other fundamental rights were increasingly becoming part of the agenda.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Meeting That United Various Factions on a Single Platform<\/mark><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A significant meeting took place in Muzaffarabad on September 16, 2023.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Representatives from traders’ associations, nationalist parties, local action committees, and individuals from diverse backgrounds participated in the gathering.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Following deliberations that extended late into the night, a decision was reached to collectively advance the ongoing movement for public rights in the region.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Subsequently, at approximately 3:00 AM on September 17, 2023, the core committee of the Jammu Kashmir Joint Public Action Committee\u2014comprising 30 members\u2014was established.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This marked the moment when the scattered resistance movements across various areas coalesced into a unified, central platform.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The meeting was hosted by Muzaffarabad-based trader leader Shaukat Nawaz, while leaders from various regions\u2014including Umar Nazir Kashmiri from Poonch and Advocate Khawaja Mehran from Mirpur\u2014played prominent roles.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Charter of Demands: What Were the Movement’s Demands?<\/mark><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Following its formation, the Joint Public Action Committee drafted a charter of demands.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

These demands included subsidies on flour and other essential food items, the elimination of alleged corruption within the Food Department, declaring the region a load-shedding-free zone, the provision of electricity at the cost of production (based on Mangla Dam rates), the abolition of special privileges enjoyed by the ruling elite and bureaucracy, and allocating the region a share of the revenue generated from hydroelectric projects. Additionally, demands included declaring the region tax- and duty-free, implementing the court ruling regarding the Neelum-Jhelum project, fulfilling past promises concerning the Mangla Dam, constructing the Rathoa-Haryam Bridge, restoring student unions, devolving powers and funds to local government representatives, rehabilitating victims of natural disasters, improving mobile and internet services near the Line of Control, and lifting restrictions on foreign tourists.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Thus, the movement’s demands were not limited merely to the issue of daily inflation but expanded to encompass economic, political, and administrative rights.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

September 28: A Sea of \u200b\u200bElectricity Bills<\/mark><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

On September 28, 2023, the campaign to boycott and burn electricity bills transformed the movement into something extraordinary.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

According to the Electricity Department, only about 22 percent of electricity bills were paid during this period, while 78 percent of consumers withheld payment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Muzaffarabad, Neelum, Hattian, and Tatta Pani, people fashioned boats out of the bills and set them afloat on the rivers. In Poonch, Kotli, Mirpur, Bagh, Sudhnoti, and other areas, thousands\u2014even hundreds of thousands\u2014of bills were consigned to the flames.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In some places, people wore garlands made of bills around their necks, while in others, the bills were placed in coffins before being burned. At some locations, people burned the bills while dancing to the beat of drums.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The protest carried a symbolic message: electricity bills were no longer merely scraps of paper; they had become symbols of public anger and resistance.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

State Response and the Entry of Women<\/mark><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

State institutions initiated a crackdown, attempting to disperse sit-ins and filing cases against\u2014and arresting\u2014protesters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yet, the sit-ins kept springing back to life. During this period, women also participated in the protests in large numbers for the first time.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

On October 10, 2023, women staged protest demonstrations across various districts, tehsils, markets, and villages; a large women’s rally was held in Rawalakot.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

On October 17, students also took to the streets, despite heavy rainfall.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Thus, the movement mobilized segments of society that were generally less visible in political protests.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Promises, Negotiations, and Repeatedly Postponed Protests<\/mark><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The government opted for negotiations to bring the protests to an end.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A negotiating committee was formed under the leadership of government minister Faisal Mumtaz Rathore. Over time, various agreements and assurances were exchanged between the government and the action committee.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In December 2023, the government once again gave assurances that the demands would be met by January 4, leading to a postponement of the protests.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

However, public unrest persisted due to the failure to implement the demands.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

At this stage, another issue within the movement began to surface: complaints emerged that the scope of decision-making was shrinking\u2014shifting from a broad core committee to being restricted to just a few individuals.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

February 2024: Internal Rifts within the Movement<\/mark><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A call was issued for protests, a shutter-down strike, and a transport blockade on February 5, 2024.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

However, following negotiations and a government notification, an announcement was made to call off the protest. After a public backlash, it was instead announced that the day would be observed as a “Day of Resolve” (Youm-e-Azm).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The decisions made by the government and the Action Committee faced criticism in various locations, including Rawalakot.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

During an Action Committee meeting on February 13, a demand was raised to withdraw the decision regarding targeted cash subsidies, and emphasis was placed on supplying flour at the rates applicable in Gilgit-Baltistan.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This phase indicated that a rift regarding decision-making had begun to emerge between the movement’s leadership and the general public.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Long March of May 11<\/mark><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

On April 15, 2024, it was announced that a long march from Bhimber to Muzaffarabad would take place on May 11.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This announcement escalated tensions between the government and the movement to a new level.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The government requisitioned additional security forces. Approval was granted for the deployment of 600 personnel from the Punjab Constabulary, alongside the deployment of other forces, including the Frontier Corps (FC).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Action Committee declared that the long march would continue until their demands were met.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

On May 1, members of the Action Committee gathered on the banks of Mangla Dam in Dadyal and took an oath to continue the struggle until their demands were accepted.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

From Arrests to Clashes<\/mark><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Two days prior to the long march, on May 9, a series of arrests targeting various leaders began in the Mirpur Division.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Protests against these arrests erupted in Dadyal, Nakyal, Tatta Pani, Sarsawa, and other areas.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Clashes broke out between the police and protesters in Dadyal; incidents involving tear gas shelling and baton charges were reported. The government imposed Section 144 and put emergency measures in place for two days.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Action Committee postponed the long march but announced a state-wide “shut-down” and transport strike starting May 10.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

However, due to public pressure, the long march scheduled for May 11 went ahead as planned.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A Sea of \u200b\u200bPeople on the Streets<\/mark><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The long march began from Bhimber on May 11.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Convoys advanced from Mirpur, Kotli, and other areas. Attempts were made to stop them at various points, leading to intense clashes between police and protesters in several locations.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A police officer was killed in Islamgarh, and numerous protesters were injured.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Despite this, the convoys continued to move forward, overcoming the obstacles in their path.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Negotiations took place in Rawalakot on May 12, but no definitive breakthrough was achieved. The convoys then headed toward Dhirkot, where a new round of talks began.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

However, the protesters refused to turn back without a clear, official notification confirming the acceptance of their demands.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A 23-Billion-Rupee Package and Acceptance of Demands<\/mark><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

As the long march advanced toward Muzaffarabad, Pakistan’s Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif announced a special package worth 23 billion rupees.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Simultaneously, official notifications regarding the demands began to be issued.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Electricity tariffs were significantly reduced; rates were lowered across various consumption slabs for domestic users, and new rates were set for commercial consumers.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The price of flour was also reduced, with the rate for a 40-kilogram bag fixed at 2,000 rupees.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A notification was also issued to establish a judicial commission to review the privileges enjoyed by the ruling elite, although delays subsequently arose regarding the commission’s actual formation. Thus, the movement that had been ongoing for a year culminated in the acceptance of the most significant of its core demands.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Muzaffarabad: Welcome, Resistance, and Bloodshed<\/mark><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scenes of public welcome unfolded along the route of the long march.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Children, women, and men stood on rooftops, hillsides, and in marketplaces to greet the convoys.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In some places, water and refreshments were distributed; elsewhere, meals were arranged, and the doors of homes and hotels were thrown open to the march participants.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

However, the situation grew tense once again near Muzaffarabad.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

As Rangers’ convoys advanced toward Muzaffarabad, citizens attempted to block them at Bararkot. Amidst this, firing incidents resulted in the deaths of young men.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The suspension of internet services further complicated the situation. Due to limited information, some residents of Muzaffarabad were unaware that the long march participants had been granted permission to enter the city. Consequently, some youths took to the streets to intercept the Rangers’ convoys.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This incident became the most tragic chapter in the movement’s entire history.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

New Questions Following Success<\/mark><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The movement led by the Jammu Kashmir Joint Public Action Committee demonstrated that local economic and civic issues could also spark large-scale public resistance.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Traders, students, women, political activists, laborers, and ordinary citizens participated in the movement at various stages.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yet, the movement’s success also gave rise to new questions.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Will this movement remain confined solely to the prices of electricity and flour?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Will the political, economic, and administrative demands included in the ‘Charter of Demands’ be pursued with equal vigor?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

And the most crucial question: in which political direction will the Joint Public Action Committee head in the future?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Question of Nationalist and Progressive Leadership<\/mark><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Nationalist and progressive political activists played a prominent role during the movement’s initial stages. Various nationalist and progressive circles remained active throughout the process\u2014from the formation of local action committees and protest activities to the eventual establishment of the central Joint Public Action Committee.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

However, over time, differences emerged within the committee regarding leadership, decision-making, and the movement’s direction.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Critics argue that decision-making became confined to a select few, moving away from the movement’s initial, broad-based consultative structure.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Conversely, there was a view that maintaining unity among groups with diverse political ideologies on a shared public platform required rising above specific political affiliations.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This very contradiction has now become a pivotal question regarding the future of the Joint Public Action Committee.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

State Concerns and the Younger Generation<\/mark><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A significant aspect of this movement is the massive participation of the youth.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Young people aged 18 to 35 played a prominent role in protest activities, sit-ins, and long marches.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This situation is particularly significant for state institutions because a movement that began with economic demands eventually fostered political consciousness and sparked debates questioning state policies.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

At this juncture, the movement faces two potential paths.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One path is to limit the struggle to the pursuit of fundamental civic and economic rights.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The other path is to incorporate broader political and national issues into the movement’s agenda.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Striking a balance between these two paths may well be the greatest challenge facing the Joint Public Action Committee.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Where Does the JAAC Stand After Three Years?<\/mark><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The journey of the Jammu & Kashmir Joint Public Action Committee has not followed a straight line.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It has been a mix of protests and negotiations.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

There have been agreements, followed by accusations of broken promises.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

At times, the leadership and the public stood united, while at other times, the leadership was compelled to alter its decisions in the face of public pressure. However, the most significant aspect of this entire journey is that the struggle\u2014which began with a sit-in against rising flour prices in Rawalakot\u2014swept across the entire region.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The progression from local action committees to a central Joint Public Action Committee, the shift from boycotting electricity bills to protests by women and students, and the long march from Bhimber to Muzaffarabad\u2014these are all milestones of a mass movement that has shaped the politics of Pakistan-administered Kashmir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Three years later, the real question is not merely what the Joint Action Committee (JAC) achieved.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The true question concerns the form in which the political and collective consciousness awakened among the public by this movement will manifest in the future.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Will the Joint Public Action Committee sustain its role as a permanent platform for public rights?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Will consensus endure among the groups holding diverse political ideologies within it?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

And in any future movement, will decision-making revert to a process of broad public consultation?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The answers to these questions will emerge in the coming years.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

For now, this three-year journey bears witness to the fact that a voice\u2014initially raised in a Rawalakot sit-in over flour prices\u2014spread to cities, markets, villages, educational institutions, and households, transforming into a collective force that compelled the government not only to come to the negotiating table but also to concede to several fundamental demands.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Perhaps that is why the three-year history of the Jammu & Kashmir Joint Public Action Committee is not just the story of an organization’s formation, but also the story of the evolving nature of public resistance in the region.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

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Three years have passed since the establishment of the Jammu Kashmir Joint Public Action Committee in Pakistan-administered Kashmir. This committee did not come into existence overnight or through the decision of a single political party; rather, it was founded through the collective struggle of various protest movements\u2014addressing issues such as flour prices, electricity, taxes, privileges, and basic civic rights\u2014involving local action committees, traders, students, civil society, and nationalist and progressive political activists.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":2983,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_themeisle_gutenberg_block_has_review":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[24],"tags":[136,40,55,102,34,46,37],"class_list":["post-2982","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analysis","tag-farhan-tariq","tag-government-of-pakistan","tag-government-of-pok","tag-jkjaac","tag-pakistan","tag-pakistan-army","tag-pok"],"yoast_head":"\nThree Years, One Movement : How the Jammu Kashmir Joint Awami Action Committee Was Formed and Where It Stands Today - Kashgil News<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/kashgilnews.com\/english\/2982\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Three Years, One Movement : How the Jammu Kashmir Joint Awami Action Committee Was Formed and Where It Stands Today\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Three years have passed since the establishment of the Jammu Kashmir Joint Public Action Committee in Pakistan-administered Kashmir. 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