{"id":3206,"date":"2026-10-04T16:50:33","date_gmt":"2026-10-04T16:50:33","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/kashgilnews.com\/english\/?p=3206"},"modified":"2026-10-04T16:50:34","modified_gmt":"2026-10-04T16:50:34","slug":"the-state-of-jammu-and-kashmir-kashmiris-trapped-between-two-nuclear-powers-who-is-truly-free","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/kashgilnews.com\/english\/3206\/","title":{"rendered":"The State of Jammu and Kashmir: Kashmiris Trapped Between Two Nuclear Powers\u2014Who Is Truly Free?"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

By: Khwaja Kabir Ahmed<\/strong><\/mark><\/p>\n\n\n\n

When viewing the Jammu and Kashmir dispute from the perspective of a Kashmiri citizen, the fundamental question is not merely about the respective stances of India and Pakistan; rather, the core issue becomes whether a single standard or two separate ones are applied to evaluate the roles of both powers present in different parts of the state. Both India and Pakistan are nuclear powers possessing significant state and military might, and both exercise administrative and political control over different regions of Jammu and Kashmir. Therefore, from a Kashmiri citizen’s viewpoint, the principle is simple: if the use of force, arrests, enforced disappearances, political restrictions, curbs on civil liberties, issues regarding land and resources, or human rights violations on one side are called into question, then similar actions on the other side must be evaluated using the same yardstick.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It is crucial to understand a fundamental distinction here. Applying a single standard does not mean artificially equating every incident, statistic, or historical circumstance across the Indian- and Pakistani-administered territories. Figures, conditions, laws, and political backgrounds may differ; however, the principles of human rights cannot vary. If a Kashmiri citizen is killed by a bullet fired by Indian forces, the value of that life is\u2014and must be\u2014the same as that of a Kashmiri citizen killed by a bullet fired by Pakistani forces. Whether one bullet is fired or a hundred, the fundamental value of a human life remains unchanged.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The State of Jammu and Kashmir is a disputed territory. India holds its own position and Pakistan holds its own, while diverse political visions and demands also exist among the Kashmiri people themselves. Some advocate for accession to India, others desire accession to Pakistan, and some demand an independent and sovereign state of Jammu and Kashmir, while many Kashmiris view their political preferences differently from these concepts. Yet, amidst these differences, there is a shared perspective among Kashmiris: the fundamental rights of the Kashmiri citizen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Therefore, consistency in the use of terminology is essential. If one part is referred to as “Indian-administered,” the other should be termed “Pakistan-administered.” If the exercise of power on one side is labeled “Indian domination,” one should not shy away from characterizing similar dominance on the other side as “Pakistani domination.” If a particular action is described as “occupation” in one instance, the same standard must be applied to the other. Merely changing the words does not alter the reality of the Kashmiri citizen’s experience.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In this context, Freedom House\u2019s latest annual report, “Freedom in the World 2026,” provides a significant documentary reference. This international organization has classified Pakistan-administered Kashmir\u2014comprising Azad Jammu & Kashmir and Gilgit-Baltistan\u2014as “Not Free,” assigning it a score of only 30 out of 100. It awarded 9 out of 40 points for political rights and 21 out of 60 for civil liberties. According to the report, while both regions possess elected assemblies and governments, their powers are limited, and Pakistani federal institutions exert dominant influence over security, the judiciary, and key policy matters. The report further notes that freedom of expression, freedom of association, and political activities deemed contrary to Pakistan\u2019s Kashmir policy are restricted. On the other hand, Freedom House has not classified Indian-administered Kashmir as “Free” either; instead, it has designated it as “Partly Free,” awarding it 38 out of 100 points. According to the report, the revocation of the former state’s constitutional autonomy in 2019\u2014followed by its division into two federally administered units\u2014impacted political rights and led to curbs on civil liberties. The report also highlights allegations of human rights violations, arrests, restrictions on expression and assembly, and various other constraints on political freedoms.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It is important to note a key aspect of Freedom House\u2019s classification here: it did not assign the same status to both regions, labeling one “Partly Free” and the other “Not Free.” Yet, a fundamental truth emerges regarding both: Freedom House did not deem any<\/em> administered part of the state of Jammu and Kashmir to be “Fully Free.” The crucial takeaway from this report is that freedom cannot be measured solely by the existence of an assembly, a government, or elections. One must also consider the extent to which ordinary citizens actually enjoy rights regarding freedom of expression, assembly, association, political participation, free political choice, judicial protection, and safeguards against state power.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This is precisely where the Kashmiri perspective becomes even more fundamental. If limited political authority and restricted civil liberties are viewed as problematic in a territory administered by one power, and similar issues\u2014such as federal influence, political curbs, and limited civil liberties\u2014exist in a territory administered by another power, then why shouldn’t both be evaluated against the same fundamental yardstick of a Kashmiri citizen’s rights? Being “administered” and being “free” are not the same thing. Nor are being under occupation and being under domination the same thing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

If the true benchmark of freedom is an individual\u2019s genuine authority over their political future, voice, assembly, organization, land, resources, and governance, then the question of just how empowered a Kashmiri citizen is within the state of Jammu and Kashmir ceases to be merely a political slogan. Limiting the discussion of human rights issues in Indian-administered Jammu and Kashmir solely to the situation arising after August 5, 2019, fails to present an accurate historical picture. Since the late 1980s and throughout the 1990s, serious allegations and documented evidence have emerged regarding armed conflict, mass arrests, fatalities, enforced disappearances, and restrictions on freedom of expression and political activity. While August 5, 2019, was undoubtedly a pivotal political and constitutional turning point\u2014marking the Indian government’s revocation of the special provisions under Article 370 and the reorganization of the former state into two centrally administered territories\u2014it would be incorrect to overlook the preceding decades and frame the entire history solely around the post-2019 era. Freedom House\u2019s 2026 report also highlights the post-2019 decline in political rights, curbs on civil liberties, and the imposition of direct central control.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Meanwhile, events in recent years within Pakistan-administered Jammu and Kashmir have also brought to the fore a critical question: are human rights principles applied there with the same intensity as they are advocated for in the Indian-administered region?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The public rights movement led by the Jammu and Kashmir Joint Awami Action Committee since 2023 serves as a clear example of this. In 2024, protests were marked by arrests, the use of tear gas, internet restrictions, and incidents of violence, with fatalities occurring during the May 2024 protests. Subsequently, in 2025\u2014following further civilian deaths\u2014an agreement regarding a 38-point charter of demands was reached between the Government of Pakistan, the administration of the territory of Jammu and Kashmir, and the Jammu and Kashmir Joint Public Action Committee; however, disagreements regarding its implementation persisted.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The situation escalated further in 2026. During large-scale protests, strikes, communication blackouts, and state interventions in June, numerous civilians and security personnel lost their lives. Protesting groups and state authorities held conflicting views regarding responsibility for these events; officials accused certain protesters of armed attacks and violence, while the protest leadership blamed the use of state force.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

According to reports from the Jammu and Kashmir Joint Public Action Committee, more than 90 peaceful, unarmed civilian protesters were killed during security force operations in the current movement; the committee maintains that heavy weaponry was used against these civilians. Independent verification of this specific figure and claim remains necessary, as communication shutdowns and restricted access to information have hindered the independent assessment of data. Nevertheless, the UN Human Rights Office has expressed concern over the deaths of dozens of individuals\u2014predominantly protesters\u2014during the unrest that began in June, calling for a prompt, comprehensive, and impartial investigation into all fatalities.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The issue here goes beyond mere casualty figures. The question arises: if even a single citizen is unlawfully killed by state forces, accountability is deemed essential; why, then, should the same principle not apply when there are allegations of multiple citizens being killed by another state entity?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In this context, the arrest of Shaukat Nawaz Mir\u2014a central leader of the Jammu and Kashmir Joint Public Action Committee\u2014serves as a significant case in point. On June 30, 2026, the Deputy Commissioner of Muzaffarabad confirmed that Shaukat Nawaz Mir had been arrested by police and state officials and subsequently moved to an undisclosed location. Conflicting reports regarding his detention and whereabouts emerged later, while his family initiated legal proceedings.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

When a leader of a political or public movement is arrested, the fundamental questions should be: under which law was the arrest made? Where is the individual being held? Do they have access to legal counsel and family? Have they been produced before a court? And are their basic legal rights being upheld? These same questions ought to be raised whenever a Kashmiri political activist or leader is arrested in Indian-administered Jammu and Kashmir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This is precisely where our general political narrative regarding Kashmir faces a test. Should human rights be defended only when the violating power stands opposed to our own political ideology? And if the same action is attributed to a country or power we favor or consider an ally, will our language, our questions, and our standards shift?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

If it is right to question the killing of a Kashmiri citizen by Indian forces, then it is equally right to question the killing of a Kashmiri citizen by Pakistani forces. If arrests, enforced disappearances, restrictions on freedom of expression, and the detention of political activists in Indian-administered territory constitute a human rights issue, then the same actions in Pakistan-administered territory must also be regarded as a human rights issue. If, on the one hand, the local population’s right to land, water, electricity, minerals, and other resources is asserted, then on the other, the question must also be raised: who holds the actual authority to make decisions regarding these resources, and who reaps the benefits?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Here, applying the “same yardstick” does not mean artificially equating the state policies, historical circumstances, or the nature of events in India and Pakistan. Rather, it means that the value of human life and fundamental rights should not be contingent upon a state’s identity. For a Kashmiri citizen, a bullet is simply a bullet, whether it comes from India or Pakistan; the issue of a citizen’s liberty remains pertinent regardless of whether the arrest is made by Indian or Pakistani forces; and allegations of enforced disappearance\u2014by whichever side\u2014demand an independent investigation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

That is why limiting the issue of the State of Jammu and Kashmir merely to the question “To whom does Kashmir belong?” is perhaps insufficient. Another question must also be raised: where does the Kashmiri citizen\u2019s agency lie within Kashmir? If decision-making power in one part of the state rests with Delhi, while Islamabad exerts dominant influence over key matters in the other, the question of the Kashmiri citizen’s own political agency, freedom, and right to self-governance remains unresolved. A recent report by Freedom House regarding Pakistan-administered Kashmir echoes this, noting that despite the existence of elected institutions, their authority is limited, and Pakistani federal bodies maintain dominant influence over security, the judiciary, and major policy issues.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This is the fundamental point where the perspective of today\u2019s Kashmiri youth raises a different question: if, on one hand, there is a debate regarding “occupation,” “dominance,” or “administration,” and on the other, a claim to freedom, then freedom must be measured not merely by state nomenclature, flags, assemblies, elections, or administrative structures, but by the tangible rights of the Kashmiri citizen. And when viewed through this lens, the conclusion becomes self-evident. If the State of Jammu and Kashmir is viewed as a single, cohesive entity\u2014despite its historical context and disputed geography\u2014and if the benchmark for “freedom” is defined by international human rights, democratic principles, political self-determination, freedom of expression, assembly, and association, as well as fair legal protections and genuine control over one’s political future, then a compelling question arises: which part of Jammu and Kashmir is truly free?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

While both India and Pakistan maintain their respective administrative and political claims, a perspective centered on the experience of the Kashmiri citizen reveals that power centers exist on both sides of the state, yet the right to complete political self-determination remains out of the citizen’s reach. Consequently, from the viewpoint of a Kashmiri citizen, one must conclude that not a single inch of Jammu and Kashmir is free in the true sense of the word; nor can any individual residing there be considered fully free until they possess the authority to make genuine, independent decisions regarding their political future, their rights, and their governance.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Here, “freedom” does not merely refer to the liberty to walk the streets, conduct business, or go about daily life; rather, it signifies the political and civil liberties recognized by international human rights standards and democratic principles. Viewed through this lens, the issue transcends the question of which power administers which part of the state; the fundamental issue becomes the standing of the Kashmiri citizen\u2014where do they stand? Where is their agency? Where is their independent political voice? And where is their right to determine their own future? Therefore, if one evaluates the events, the roles of state actors on both sides, the human rights situation, restrictions on political freedoms, and international reports\u2014such as those from Freedom House\u2014against a consistent set of principles, the conclusion from a Kashmiri citizen’s perspective is clear: not a single inch of the state of Jammu and Kashmir is fully free, nor is any citizen residing there truly free to determine their collective political future.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Perhaps the most fundamental question regarding the Kashmir issue is precisely this: if everything in Kashmir is under the administration of one authority or another, where exactly is a Kashmiri citizen free within their own homeland?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Note: The latest full annual report by Freedom House, “Freedom in the World 2026,” is available at this link:<\/mark>
https:\/\/freedomhouse.org\/sites\/default\/files\/2026-03\/FIW2026_final_digital%20%281%29.pdf?utm_source=chatgpt.com<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

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When viewing the Jammu and Kashmir dispute from the perspective of a Kashmiri citizen, the fundamental question is not merely about the respective stances of India and Pakistan; rather, the core issue becomes whether a single standard or two separate ones are applied to evaluate the roles of both powers present in different parts of the state.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":3207,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_themeisle_gutenberg_block_has_review":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[28],"tags":[40,55,102,67,34,46,37],"class_list":["post-3206","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-opinion","tag-government-of-pakistan","tag-government-of-pok","tag-jkjaac","tag-khwaja-kabir-ahmed","tag-pakistan","tag-pakistan-army","tag-pok"],"yoast_head":"\nThe State of Jammu and Kashmir: Kashmiris Trapped Between Two Nuclear Powers\u2014Who Is Truly Free? 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