{"id":3266,"date":"2026-10-08T18:38:14","date_gmt":"2026-10-08T18:38:14","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/kashgilnews.com\/english\/?p=3266"},"modified":"2026-10-08T18:38:15","modified_gmt":"2026-10-08T18:38:15","slug":"why-do-we-not-accept-one-another-as-human-beings","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/kashgilnews.com\/english\/3266\/","title":{"rendered":"Why do we not accept one another as human beings?"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

From the State of Jammu and Kashmir to the World<\/mark><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Disagreement arises when ideologies differ, but why does factionalism emerge when the mindset is shared?<\/mark><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Research and Writing: Khawaja Kabir Ahmed<\/mark><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Research and observation reveal an intriguing yet bitter reality: certain ideological and political circles become so insular that membership ceases to be merely a matter of ideological alignment; instead, specific identity, background, and group loyalty become prerequisites. No matter how sincerely an outsider is drawn to the ideology, it is difficult for them to be accepted as an equal peer.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This issue is not limited to the State of Jammu and Kashmir. Throughout world history, one finds countless instances where movements established for a broader cause\u2014whether religious, national, ethnic, or political\u2014fragmented over time into various factions, interpretations, and loyalties. Consequently, the central question shifts from “what is the objective?” to “who holds the right to represent that objective?”<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In the realm of religion, this issue takes on a distinct form. Judaism serves as a noteworthy example. It is incorrect to claim that a non-Jew cannot embrace Judaism; there is a formal religious procedure for conversion. However, within traditional Jewish practice, this process is not viewed merely as a declaration or a matter of instant membership; significant importance is placed on the candidate’s intent, education, acceptance of religious obligations, and adherence to established religious protocols. Furthermore, there are disagreements among various Jewish denominations regarding which forms of conversion are considered valid. The key research point here is that, even though entry into a religious identity is possible, there exist clear gateways, prerequisites, and institutional mechanisms for acceptance.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Judaism serves as a prominent example of this among the world’s religions. Conversion to Judaism by an individual from another faith is generally not considered a simple or routine matter, whereas in certain other religions, the doors to conversion are relatively more open to outsiders. This example illustrates how some identities restrict their boundaries to such an extent that an outsider\u2014no matter how sincerely they wish to adopt that identity\u2014is not easily accepted.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It is also important to grasp another crucial distinction here. There is a difference between a religion establishing principles to safeguard its tenets and a political or ideological group viewing every newcomer with suspicion simply because they were not previously part of the fold. Religious conversion can be a formal religious process, whereas political affiliation is fundamentally an intellectual and collective choice. Consequently, for political movements, a more critical question arises: if an individual agrees with their core objective, are they given space to work alongside the group despite any existing differences?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The political landscape of the State of Jammu and Kashmir also features numerous groups and factions identified by various names and labels. Some define themselves as nationalists, others as proponents of freedom, progressives, or revolutionaries, while others identify through different ideological designations. However, the tragedy is that a common trait is visible in their attitudes: each group begins to regard its own ideology, leadership, and interpretation as the most correct, pure, and sacred, maintaining a distance from others rather than embracing them within its fold.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The political history of the State of Jammu and Kashmir offers ample evidence of this division. As early as the 1930s and 1940s, the question arose whether the state’s political identity would be defined along religious lines or based on a broader, shared national identity. The “National Demand” put forward in 1938 advocated for an inclusive political identity rather than one confined to a specific religious community; conversely, the subsequent rift between the Muslim Conference and the National Conference demonstrated how conflicting concepts of nationhood and religion could clash within the same political landscape. The reconstitution of the Muslim Conference in 1941 marked another significant historical juncture in this broader political divergence.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This division persisted in various forms in later periods as well. Experts researching the Jammu and Kashmir conflict have repeatedly pointed out that political dynamics there were not limited merely to the dispute between India and Pakistan; rather, local, regional, religious, national, and secular ideologies were also in competition with one another. Some researchers have particularly highlighted the simultaneous influence of religious, secular, and geographical identities on Kashmiri politics.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The issue is not simply that there are disagreements over ideologies; the real problem arises when disagreement transforms into a refusal to acknowledge the other. That is to say, even when another person is a fellow traveler toward the same destination\u2014advocating for freedom or the right to self-governance\u2014they are denied recognition as an ally simply because they do not belong to our specific organization, group, or interpretation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

An international example of this can be seen in South Africa’s struggle for freedom. During the 1950s, a rift intensified within the African National Congress regarding the freedom movement’s national identity and political strategy. Disagreements held by the ‘Africanist’ (African nationalist) faction eventually led to the formation of the Pan Africanist Congress in 1959. While both groups were fundamentally united in the struggle against racial discrimination and apartheid, differences concerning the interpretation of freedom, political identity, and strategy gave rise to a separate political organization within the broader movement. This historical example demonstrates that a shared enemy or a common goal does not necessarily forge a unified political identity.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Palestinian politics offers another significant modern-day example in this regard. Following the 2006 elections, sharp differences emerged between Hamas and Fatah concerning power and political direction. Despite a shared national objective, the two factions held fundamental disagreements regarding policy toward Israel, political leadership, and governance\u2014differences that culminated in 2007 with the establishment of separate political administrations in the Gaza Strip and the West Bank. Although attempts at reconciliation were made at various times, lasting political unity could not be achieved. Here, too, the issue was not merely one of ideological difference; the core questions revolved around representation, authority, and leadership.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The history of the Hurriyat Conference in the state of Jammu and Kashmir also illustrates the dynamics of political alliance and internal discord. Comprising various political and religious groups, this alliance emerged as a unified political platform; however, over time, internal rifts developed regarding future strategies, negotiations, and the political path forward. The 2004 split within the Hurriyat serves as an example of how it is not always possible for groups operating under a shared political banner to pursue a unified political path.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

An even more peculiar situation arises when an individual, inspired by the ideology of another group, wishes to align with it, collaborate, or join its struggle, yet is rejected simply because they were not previously a member of that specific circle. In this way, ideology transforms from an inclusive call into a hereditary or insular group identity that leaves no room for newcomers.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This raises a fundamental political question: must one\u2019s origin or prior membership in a specific organization be a prerequisite for subscribing to an ideology? If an individual was previously affiliated with a different political concept but\u2014having changed their thinking\u2014embraces a liberationist, nationalist, or progressive ideology, will their new intellectual commitment forever remain under suspicion?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Throughout history, political movements have answered this question in both affirmative and negative ways. The South African experience in the 1980s offers an example where individuals from various white political and social circles established contact with the ANC (African National Congress), despite having previously belonged to an environment hostile to the movement. These contacts became part of the broader process of subsequent political negotiations. This demonstrates, at the very least, that political movements expand when they possess the capacity to create space\u2014to some degree\u2014for individuals coming from different backgrounds or prior identities.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This attitude is not limited to political or ideological circles; a similar pattern is frequently observed among religious groups as well. Every sect and group tends to regard its own beliefs, interpretations, and traditions as the absolute and final standard of truth, while readily dismissing those affiliated with other schools of thought or religions as inferior, misguided, or outside the pale of truth. If religion teaches morality, tolerance, justice, and humanism, why do these insular circles established in the name of religion appear to contradict its true spirit? Is the purpose of religion not to unite humanity, or have we turned it into a vehicle for asserting our own group identity and superiority?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This question applies not only to religion but to any human identity we use to erect walls around ourselves. Whether it is a religious sect, a political party, a national identity, an ideological organization, or a freedom movement\u2014whenever identity becomes more important than respect for the individual, disagreement begins to morph into hostility.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It is also essential not to measure religious and political differences by the same yardstick. Religious beliefs pertain to an individual’s spiritual and personal convictions, whereas political ideologies relate to collective power, the state, the law, and the public future. Yet, a common principle emerges in both realms: the necessity of acknowledging the existence, dignity, and right to expression of others, despite differences of opinion.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In the history of Kashmir, the concept of “Azadi” (freedom) has not always been used to convey the same meaning. Scholarly research reveals that, across different eras, the meaning of freedom has been linked to political autonomy, democratic rights, religious identity, economic justice, and various visions of the political future. Thus, the word “Azadi” is not, in itself, a comprehensive political program; rather, it is a concept interpreted by different political groups in accordance with their respective historical and ideological experiences. That is why the assumption by any single group that it alone holds the definitive meaning of freedom becomes, in itself, a subject for inquiry. If one Kashmiri interprets freedom as complete sovereignty, another views a specific political relationship with Pakistan or India as freedom, a third prioritizes maximum internal autonomy, and a fourth envisions a state based on religious principles, then disagreement is inevitable. Yet, the existence of such disagreement does not negate the political existence of the other.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

If concepts such as freedom, autonomy, democracy, the people’s right to govern, and religion begin to create new “sacred circles” among people, the question arises: which freedom, which religion, and which humanity are we actually talking about?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Perhaps the true test lies not in how correct we deem our own ideology to be, but in how fairly we treat those who hold differing views. If someone disagrees with our political vision yet upholds our right to dissent, are they any less democratic than a colleague who agrees with everything we say? And if someone wishes to join our movement despite having a different past political identity, should their current affiliation be dismissed solely on the basis of that history?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Political ideologies evolve over time. Individuals, too, change their political, social, and religious thinking throughout their lives; this is a fundamental aspect of human freedom. A society that denies individuals the liberty to change their minds, question, dissent, or form new affiliations\u2014even if it appears to be striving for a noble cause\u2014risks fostering a closed political culture from within.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Differences regarding the future of the State of Jammu and Kashmir are natural, as are ideological disagreements; however, acknowledging one another\u2019s existence, intentions, and right to dissent must be a prerequisite for any political struggle. Similarly, despite religious differences, respecting each other\u2019s faith, dignity, and human rights is essential. Otherwise, while we continue to challenge external obstacles, we will find ourselves shutting doors on one another within the insular circles we have created ourselves. Perhaps the most difficult question regarding the political future of the state of Jammu and Kashmir is not which ideology is correct, but rather: are Kashmiris holding diverse views willing to acknowledge one another as equal human beings, equal Kashmiris, and\u2014despite their differences\u2014equal political entities?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

If the answer to this question is “yes,” then even disagreement can become a virtue of political life. However, if every group continues to regard its own sphere as sacrosanct while deeming the other’s unacceptable, then\u2014before reaching the destination of freedom\u2014we must confront the walls within our own minds; walls that are, perhaps, stronger than any external barrier.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

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Research and observation reveal an intriguing yet bitter reality: certain ideological and political circles become so insular that membership ceases to be merely a matter of ideological alignment; instead, specific identity, background, and group loyalty become prerequisites. 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