{"id":3459,"date":"2026-10-25T09:48:41","date_gmt":"2026-10-25T09:48:41","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/kashgilnews.com\/english\/?p=3459"},"modified":"2026-10-25T09:48:42","modified_gmt":"2026-10-25T09:48:42","slug":"the-1947-kashmir-movement-and-the-tribal-incursion-historical-facts-evidence-and-analysis","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/kashgilnews.com\/english\/3459\/","title":{"rendered":"The 1947 Kashmir Movement and the Tribal Incursion: Historical Facts, Evidence, and Analysis"},"content":{"rendered":"\n<p><strong>Research and Writing: <mark style=\"background-color:rgba(0, 0, 0, 0)\" class=\"has-inline-color has-vivid-red-color\">Farhan Tariq<\/mark><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>For several years, there has been ongoing debate\u2014both on social media and within academic circles\u2014regarding the government that emerged in Jammu and Kashmir following the arrival of tribesmen, the subsequent looting, and the widespread bloodshed that began in October 1947.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>What is the actual truth? To explore this, we will examine these events by drawing upon accounts from books written by journalists, government officials, and political activists of that era.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>In his book <em>Aatish-e-Chinar<\/em> (The Fire of the Chinar), Sheikh Abdullah writes on pages 272 and 273:<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>&#8220;Two representatives from the corridors of power in Pakistan were sent to Srinagar to hold discussions with us. During the conversation, Dr. Taseer strongly urged us to accede to Pakistan and encouraged us to take immediate steps in this direction. I told him that this was not the appropriate time to decide on such a critical issue. We cannot yet say with any certainty what kind of political systems will emerge in India and Pakistan, nor what direction the situation in both countries will take. At this moment, flames of fire have engulfed both states. It remains to be seen whether they will even succeed in extinguishing this fire. Under such circumstances, expecting us to immediately determine our future is not fair. We must wait until the fire has been extinguished, as this issue can only be resolved properly in an atmosphere of peace and tranquility. This decision will not only affect our current generation but will also have an impact on generations to come.&#8221; Wisdom dictates that we be granted an immediate opportunity to break free from the clutches of the Maharaja\u2019s personal rule, so that the Hindus, Muslims, and Sikhs of this land may subsequently sit together and decide whether to forge a bond with India, accede to Pakistan, or remain independent. Therefore, pressuring us to resolve this question at this juncture is an act of injustice. When the time arrives, the people of this land will decide this matter, and both states will be obligated to respect the wishes of the local populace. In response, Dr. Taseer asserted that they had already resolved that the State of Kashmir would become a part of Pakistan. I replied that the Kashmiri people had never delegated such a right to them. When we launched the Kashmir Movement in 1931, we did not grant any power\u2014whether Muslim-dominated or Hindu-majority\u2014the authority to determine our future. We shall shape our own destiny with our own hands; we will not entrust this sacred trust to anyone else. Dr. Taseer then demanded that, in that case, I provide a written assurance that, when the time came, the State would accede to Pakistan.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>I replied that such a decision would depend entirely on the prevailing circumstances and the free will and consent of the inhabitants. I neither have the right, nor am I willing, to preemptively strip the people of this prerogative. Dr. Taseer became visibly agitated and, in an imperious tone\u2014tinged with the arrogance of power\u2014declared that if I were unwilling to comply with his demands, he would resort to &#8220;other means.&#8221; Stung by this, I retorted firmly: &#8220;Do as you please.&#8221;<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>By &#8220;other means,&#8221; Sheikh Abdullah implies that they would conquer Kashmir through the use of force. Later, this sum proved very useful in meeting various urgent needs.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The dreams of seizing Pakistan through the force of the sword came to naught. For Jinnah, this was a particularly distressing situation. According to well-informed circles, Pakistani authorities had brought him to Abbottabad so that, following the hoisting of the Pakistani flag in Srinagar, he could enter the city in a triumphal procession on the day of Eid\u2014which fell on October 25th, the fourth day after the entry of the tribesmen. When the tide turned, Jinnah became furious. He ordered General Gracey, the Commander-in-Chief of his forces, to launch an all-out assault on Kashmir; however, General Gracey brought the matter to the attention of Sir Claude Auchinleck, the Supreme Commander of the armies of both India and Pakistan. Sir Claude informed Jinnah that the armies of both nations were operating under the command of British officers; should the Pakistani army invade Kashmir, it would constitute a declaration of war between the two states, in which event the British officers would resign from their posts. The Pakistani army was entirely dependent upon its British officers. (From the book <em>Aatish-e-Chinar<\/em>, pages 272, 273, 294)<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Sheikh Abdullah writes on page 280 of his book:<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Pakistani leaders sent me an invitation to visit Pakistan; they wanted me to travel to Karachi to meet Muhammad Ali Jinnah and hold direct discussions with him. The Pakistani authorities took responsibility for arranging the travel. A journalist named H. G. Reddy\u2014who had published a newspaper called <em>Kashmir Times<\/em> from Srinagar, was a staunch advocate for Pakistan, and later became a public relations official in Pakistan following its creation\u2014subsequently revealed that their intentions behind inviting me to Pakistan were not sincere. They aimed to bring me to Karachi by any means necessary, imprison me there, and then issue statements in my name\u2014purportedly on my behalf\u2014urging the people of Kashmir to support Pakistan. H. G. Reddy described their plan as follows:<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Their scheme was to accord Sheikh Abdullah a grand reception upon his arrival in Karachi. If he fell for the deception of the Muslim League leaders, well and good; otherwise, preparations had been made to launch an attack on Kashmir two days after his meeting with Jinnah in Karachi. The strategy was that if Sheikh Abdullah remained firm in his stance and refused to be swayed by the persuasions or inducements of the Quaid-e-Azam, he would be quietly arrested and taken to an undisclosed location. While he languished in prison, they intended to announce the formation of a &#8216;provisional government&#8217; under his presidency and issue various statements and declarations in his name. In this way, as hordes of tribesmen engaged in looting and pillaging across Kashmir, the Kashmiri people would be led to believe that it was Sheikh Abdullah who had sent them there.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>G. M. In his book <em>5000 Years of Kashmir<\/em>, Mir writes:<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Pakistani authorities and high-ranking officials have sought to convince the world that tribal fighters entered Kashmir of their own volition to assist their Kashmiri Muslim brethren. However, much has transpired since then, and numerous revelations have come to light. A dozen such facts and documents have been brought to light, revealing the true motives and hidden objectives behind this &#8220;Jihad.&#8221; In this chapter, we begin our exposition with the tenth installment of the eye-opening series <em>Silsila-e-Mazameen<\/em>\u2014specifically, a revelation by Major (Retd.) Amir Afzal Khan (<em>Huzoor Pak ke Sipahi<\/em>). This account appeared in the September 21, 2003, edition of the daily <em>Nawa-i-Waqt<\/em>. Khan writes:<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Khurshid Anwar was a close associate of Liaquat Ali; by orchestrating a &#8220;march&#8221; toward Srinagar, he effectively fulfilled a strategic necessity for India\u2014and for Nehru\u2014by ensuring that the Indian Army could reach the Maharaja\u2019s aid before the onset of winter. (1)<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The author provides further details in the tenth chapter of his book, <em>Jihad-e-Kashmir 1947-48<\/em> (pages 131\u2013146). The concluding lines of these pages read:<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>&#8220;Who in our country facilitated this necessity for Nehru? Quaid-e-Azam was kept entirely in the dark about it.&#8221;<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>On October 22, 1947, General Gracey, Commander-in-Chief of the Pakistani forces, informed Quaid-e-Azam that &#8220;five thousand tribal fighters have entered the Valley via Muzaffarabad.&#8221; Quaid-e-Azam\u2019s immediate reaction was: &#8220;What, then, becomes of the agreement we have entered into with the Maharaja?&#8221; Sardar Shaukat Hayat Khan, a former president of the Muslim League, provided details regarding the tribal invasion in an interview with the London edition of the <em>Daily Jang<\/em> in April 1995. Subsequently, his book, <em>The Nation that Lost Its Soul<\/em>\u2014along with its Urdu translation, <em>Gumgashta Qaum<\/em> (The Lost Nation)\u2014was published, shedding light on the fact that Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah was also fully complicit in the tribal incursion.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Below are a few excerpts from Sardar Shaukat Hayat Khan\u2019s book:<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>&#8220;I was appointed to oversee the Kashmir operation. I requested the inclusion of Brigadier Sher Khan and Brigadier Akbar Khan\u2014both of whom belonged to the 13\/2 Frontier Force (Piffers). We also requested that we be provided with locally manufactured firearms from the Lahore Fort. We had also brought on board the former INA General Kiani, Colonel Kiani, and another Colonel Kiani.&#8221; (3)<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>&#8220;At that time, Pakistan\u2019s Finance Minister, Ghulam Muhammad, recommended the inclusion of his relative, Major Khurshid Anwar, in the high command. I rejected this recommendation, as I could not entrust military command to someone who was not a professional soldier. However, Ghulam Muhammad (the Finance Minister) and Liaquat Ali Khan (the Prime Minister) insisted that he be included to appease the National Guards.&#8221; (4)<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>&#8220;In Baramulla, the tribesmen refused to follow the orders of Khurshid Anwar. The tribal fighters claimed ownership of 300,000 rupees recovered from the treasury. Furthermore, they began looting the local population\u2014going so far as to strip the nuns at the Baramulla Convent of their lockets and earrings.&#8221; These tribesmen began looting the markets. In this way, precious time was wasted. We lost Kashmir due to our own foolishness and unprofessional conduct. (5)<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The consequences of the callous attacks by the tribesmen on Kashmir and Pakistan are so profound that an entire book could be written on the subject. Historians, too, have documented in detail how this upheaval shattered the social and political fabric. Here, we present a brief excerpt from the renowned book <em>The Freedom Struggle of the Kashmiris<\/em> by Khawaja Muhammad Yusuf Saraf, a former Chief Justice of Azad Kashmir:<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>&#8220;Without wasting any time, the vast majority of the tribesmen attacked the people of Baramulla. Within a few hours, numerous buildings were set ablaze. They stormed into concrete houses, and the residents, fearing for their lives, were subjected to plunder. Hundreds of homes on the left bank of the Jhelum River were reduced to ashes.&#8221;<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>&#8220;The Mother Superior of St. Joseph\u2019s Hospital, three nuns, and a British couple residing there were murdered. Three Hindus from my own neighborhood\u2014Shambhu Nath, Ved Lal, and Arjun Nath (a schoolmaster)\u2014were also killed. In the orgy of looting and arson, no distinction was made between Hindus and Muslims.&#8221;<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>For instance, when a tribesman snatched a blanket from a poor driver named Ghani\u2014a father of four daughters\u2014Ghani asked, &#8220;Is this the purpose for which you have come to Kashmir?&#8221; Upon hearing this, Ghani was immediately shot dead. The local cinema hall was effectively turned into a brothel. Women from a wealthy family fled the city as a precautionary measure. &#8220;Freedom at Midnight&#8221; highlights the actions of the tribesmen as follows:<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>&#8220;The initial success achieved by the Indian Army was due not only to the army&#8217;s own acumen and bravery but also to the presence of 14 nuns belonging to the &#8216;Franciscan Missionaries of Mary&#8217;\u2014an order with members from France, Spain, Italy, Scotland, and Portugal. Instead of advancing toward the Srinagar airport or the key roads of the state of Kashmir\u2014where a hospital should have been located\u2014the tribesmen slaughtered all the patients in a small church hospital, sexually assaulted the nuns, and looted every valuable item from the church.&#8221;<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Renowned Pakistani historian Zahid Chaudhry sheds light on the tribal invasion of Kashmir in the third volume of his book, <em>Political History of Pakistan<\/em> (<em>Pakistan ki Siyasi Tareekh<\/em>). An excerpt is provided below:<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>&#8220;When tribal forces captured Muzaffarabad on October 22, a massacre of Hindus and Sikhs ensued, continuing for three days. The tribesmen killed non-Muslims indiscriminately, abducted their women, and looted their homes.&#8221;<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Sardar Ibrahim holds Khurshid Anwar\u2014who was in charge of the tribal invasion\u2014responsible for this massacre and looting. Lord Birdwood asserts that Khurshid Anwar was also responsible for the massacre and looting that took place in Baramulla on October 26. However, it would be inappropriate to lay the blame for all these atrocities on a single individual. The reality is that the Afridi and Mahsud tribes did not invade Kashmir solely out of Islamic zeal; their primary objective was plunder. In addition to Muzaffarabad and Baramulla, they also attacked towns and villages in Mirpur, Poonch, Kotli, Jhangar, Naushera, Uri, and Bhimber, where they engaged in acts of murder, robbery, arson, and abduction. These tribesmen lacked any sense of discipline; they were entirely disorganized and uncontrollable. Having received no training prior to the assault, they were unable to put up any effective resistance when they encountered the disciplined and well-trained Indian army. The Pakistani authorities displayed such callousness in organizing the invasion of Kashmir\u2014without any formal oversight\u2014that the entire Pakistani nation ultimately had to pay the price.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Raja Hari and Saeed Suhrawardy wrote in the Urdu edition of <em>Freedom at Midnight<\/em>:<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>&#8220;On the morning of Monday, October 27, nine DC-3 aircraft landed with a roar at the isolated and deserted airfield in Srinagar. They brought 329 soldiers of the 1st Sikh Regiment, along with eight tons of ammunition, into Kashmir. This was the first contingent of the 100,000-strong Indian force that would eventually be deployed across this beautiful land.&#8221;<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>It should be noted that the tribal contingents reached Baramulla on October 26. However, they remained there until October 28\u2014a period during which the Indian army was landing in Srinagar via aircraft. Later, when General Tariq inquired about this, he was informed that the commander of the tribal forces, Major Khurshid Anwar\u2014who had been appointed to the position by the Government of Pakistan\u2014had stayed in Baramulla for two days to await the arrival of Sardar Ibrahim Khan, the President of the Azad Jammu and Kashmir government, so that he could be briefed on his specific role within the administration of Kashmir. A Revelation by Chaudhry Muhammad Ali:<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Former Prime Minister of Pakistan, Chaudhry Muhammad Ali, revealed that:<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>&#8220;Neither Quaid-e-Azam nor I had any knowledge of the tribesmen&#8217;s preparations to conquer Kashmir. Liaquat Ali Khan informed me of this only one day before the attack. He also mentioned that Quaid-e-Azam had not been informed about this at all.&#8221;<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>In her book <em>Halfway to Freedom<\/em>, within the chapter titled &#8220;Struggle for Kashmir,&#8221; Margaret Bourke-White describes the arrival of tribal forces in Kashmir in 1947 as a significant historical event. Her account is particularly noteworthy because she was present in the subcontinent during that period as a journalist and photographer, and she personally observed the situation in Kashmir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Three aspects stand out in her account: the religious justification for the tribesmen&#8217;s entry into Kashmir; the armed operations and looting that accompanied their arrival; and the subsequent impact of these events on Srinagar and the politics of Kashmir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Why were the tribesmen heading to Kashmir?<br>Bourke-White recounts a significant incident on page 161 of her book. On the road between Rawalpindi and Baramulla, she encountered a group of Pashtun tribesmen and asked them if they were on their way to Kashmir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>According to the dialogue cited from the book, the tribesmen replied:<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>\u201cWe are all Muslims. We are going to help our Muslim brothers in Kashmir.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>This exchange reflects the religious justification offered by this particular group for their journey to Kashmir. However, the response of a few individuals should not be taken as definitive proof of the motivations of all the tribesmen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Did the author characterize the tribesmen merely as volunteers?<br>No. Her account presents a far more complex picture regarding the arrival of the tribesmen and their armed activities. Based on available excerpts and secondary references concerning the section of the book on Kashmir, the author noted the following:<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The tribal contingent advanced rapidly toward Kashmir, reaching the vicinity of Srinagar within a few days.<br>She described instances of looting, widespread fear, and violence against the civilian population in Baramulla and its surrounding areas.<br>Her account mentions trucks and buses that would return carrying looted goods (spoils of war) and then head back to Kashmir, transporting more men.<br>She also raised questions regarding the logistics of the tribesmen\u2019s movement, their weaponry, and their supply arrangements.<br>Therefore, the author\u2019s account does not portray the arrival of the tribesmen as a purely peaceful, voluntary mission undertaken solely to assist fellow Muslims.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>What happened in Baramulla? Bourke-White attached particular significance to the events in Baramulla. Her account mentions the destroyed buildings\u2014including St. Joseph\u2019s Convent\u2014and the damage inflicted there. She also recounts the story of a Kashmiri Muslim named Mir Maqbool Sherwani. According to her, Sherwani was a proponent of religious harmony and the popular politics of Sheikh Abdullah. The tribesmen attempted to force him to chant slogans in favor of Pakistan, but upon his refusal, they killed him. The author notes that he was subjected to violence prior to his murder. For the author, this incident exemplifies a stark contradiction: the armed men\u2014who claimed to have arrived to assist Muslims\u2014ended up targeting a Kashmiri Muslim simply because he did not align with their political agenda.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>How did the arrival of the tribesmen affect the politics of Kashmir?<br>According to the account provided by Bourke-White, the advance of the tribal militia had a profound impact on the crisis facing Maharaja Hari Singh\u2019s government and on the decisions regarding the future of Kashmir. The sequence of events, as presented in her book, is as follows:<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The tribal militia entered Kashmir and advanced toward Srinagar.<br>The situation for the state government deteriorated, and emergency arrangements were made under the leadership of Sheikh Abdullah.<br>Indian military assistance was requested, and the issue of accession to India emerged.<br>Following the arrival of the Indian army, conflict broke out in Kashmir, and efforts were made to push back the tribal militia.<br>This is the historical sequence as described by the author; however, to fully understand the legal status of the accession, the roles of the various parties involved, and the complete chronology of events, one should also consult other historical sources.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Did the author mention Pakistani support behind the tribal incursion?<br>Yes. Secondary references regarding her report mention the provision of arms, transport, and assistance with cross-border movement. One reference links her account to the claim that the tribesmen were supplied with weapons in the border towns of Pakistan.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>In 2017, the BBC published a story regarding the tribal incursion into Jammu and Kashmir, which states the following:<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>A local villager, 86-year-old Muhammad Hassan Qureshi, clearly remembers those tumultuous days. He says, &#8220;A week before the arrival of the Pathans, there were rumors that the Kashmiri Sikhs\u2014who have a significant population in this area\u2014were planning an attack on Muzaffarabad.&#8221; Gohar Rahman, a World War II veteran from Battagram\u2014located 80 kilometers northwest of Garhi Habibullah\u2014was among those who passed through Dab Gali. He recounts, &#8220;Since we were familiar with the terrain, we led a group on foot along this narrow route.&#8221; He adds, &#8220;The bulk of the tribesmen from the frontier regions\u2014including the Wazir, Mahsud, Turi, Afridi, Mohmand, and the Yusufzai of Malakand\u2014traveled by lorries and trucks via the longer but more accessible route through Lohar Gali.&#8221;<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>That morning, approximately 2,000 tribesmen launched an assault on Muzaffarabad, easily scattering the state forces of Kashmir stationed there. Military historians estimate that the defending force numbered only 500 and also faced desertions by Muslim soldiers.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Following the arrival of the tribesmen in Jammu and Kashmir on October 22, a government was established in the Pakistani-administered portion of the territory:<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Regarding the formation of the government on October 24, 1947, Muhammad Yusuf Saraf writes that Syed Nazir Hussain Shah informed him that, on the evening of October 23, 1947, in Rawalpindi, Sardar Ibrahim had asked him (Syed Nazir Hussain Shah) to travel to Rawalakot and establish a civil administration\u2014comprising Maulana Ghulam Haider Jandalvi, Colonel Muhammad Khan, Major Hamid, Colonel Muhammad Hussain, and Dr. Bashir Mahmood. However, that same evening, the formation of an interim government for &#8216;Azad Kashmir&#8217; was announced over Radio Pakistan. The announcement stated that Sardar Ibrahim had been appointed as the President of the interim government of Azad Kashmir (Pakistani-administered Jammu and Kashmir). Sardar Ibrahim had no prior knowledge of this announcement. However, in the early hours of October 23, the Commissioner of the Rawalpindi Division, Khawaja Abdul Rahim, and General Akbar\u2019s wife, Naseem Shahnawaz, woke Sardar Ibrahim from his sleep and informed him that a reorganization of the Azad Kashmir government had become necessary.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<hr class=\"wp-block-separator has-alpha-channel-opacity\"\/>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>For several years, there has been ongoing debate\u2014both on social media and within academic circles\u2014regarding the government that emerged in Jammu and Kashmir following the arrival of tribesmen, the subsequent looting, and the widespread bloodshed that began in October 1947.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":3460,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_themeisle_gutenberg_block_has_review":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[24],"tags":[136,102,94,34,46,37],"class_list":["post-3459","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analysis","tag-farhan-tariq","tag-jkjaac","tag-kashmir","tag-pakistan","tag-pakistan-army","tag-pok"],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO Premium plugin v25.5 (Yoast SEO v28.7) - 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