{"id":3721,"date":"2026-11-15T07:20:43","date_gmt":"2026-11-15T07:20:43","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/kashgilnews.com\/english\/?p=3721"},"modified":"2026-11-15T07:20:44","modified_gmt":"2026-11-15T07:20:44","slug":"ninety-nine-percent-our-own-one-percent-outsiders","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/kashgilnews.com\/english\/3721\/","title":{"rendered":"Ninety-Nine Percent Our Own, One Percent Outsiders"},"content":{"rendered":"\n<p>By: <strong><mark style=\"background-color:rgba(0, 0, 0, 0)\" class=\"has-inline-color has-vivid-red-color\">Farhan Tariq<\/mark><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Regarding the people sitting at the sit-in in Rawalakot, the region&#8217;s Prime Minister, Iftikhar Gilani, remarked: &#8220;Ninety-nine percent of the people sitting in Rawalakot are our own.&#8221;<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Before him, former Prime Minister Faisal Mumtaz Rathore had expressed a similar sentiment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>On the surface, this statement appears full of affinity, but in politics, a single phrase sometimes conceals the entire philosophy of governance. The only question is: if ninety-nine percent are &#8220;our own,&#8221; then who are that one percent whom the ruler of the time is hesitant to call their own? And an even bigger question is: are those very one percent actually the &#8220;own&#8221; of the rulers under the guise of whose existence an attempt is being made to label the ninety-nine percent as outsiders?<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The public rights movement in Pakistan-administered Kashmir, ongoing for the past three years, entered a new and harsh phase on June 5 when the government declared the Jammu Kashmir Joint Awami Action Committee (JKJAAC) outlawed and initiated actions against its leadership. Various attempts were made to end the sit-ins in Rawalakot. Force was used, arrests were made, clashes occurred, and lives were lost, but the sit-ins remained steadfast in their place.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Throughout this period, government-affiliated circles, social media, and national media continuously circulated a narrative that armed individuals were present alongside the movement, targeting security forces. Sometimes they were labeled miscreants, sometimes linked to external elements, and at other times forces were named whom the state already places on its list of enemies.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Thus, once again, an attempt was made to convince the people of the region that the issue is not their demands, but rather the &#8220;one percent&#8221; present among them.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Yet, observe the irony of history.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>If the people sitting at the Rawalakot sit-in truly constitute ninety-nine percent, then under which category should the long marches of millions of people over the past three years be placed? Three times the public took to the streets, presented demands, challenged governments, and expressed their political existence. Were they also that same one percent?<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Or are these the ninety-nine percent whom the government itself declared &#8220;its own,&#8221; but refused to acknowledge their demands as its own?<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>This question is now circulating in public circles as well: who on earth are the &#8220;one percent miscreants and armed elements&#8221; that are constantly mentioned? Could they also be the regime&#8217;s own people whose names are invoked to render the public as outsiders?<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>History holds up another strange mirror here.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>In the past, the land of Poonch Division has been known for the activities of various militant organizations and armed movements. Whether religious Jihadi organizations or armed groups active in the name of the freedom of Kashmir, this region has witnessed many colors of militant politics across different eras. Questions regarding the state policies, patronage, and training centers of that era still persist.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>JKLF founder Amanullah Khan, in his book <em>Jahad-e-Musalsal<\/em>, mentioned the launch of the armed struggle in Indian-administered Kashmir and obtaining weapons from the Pakistani intelligence agency. This is a chapter of history that, whether liked or disliked, cannot be erased.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>And the landscape of recent times is not much different.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>In February 2025, individuals affiliated with such armed groups\u2014who had been officially outlawed at the state level\u2014were seen openly active in Rawalakot. Scenes of individuals riding horses, armed gangs, and activities like the &#8220;Tufa-ul-Aqsa&#8221; conference were also witnessed. The question is not who they were; the question is: if the state is truly against militant politics, how did space open up for such manifestations?<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>And if all of this is possible in an environment of state surveillance or consent, then what is the justification for attaching a fabricated &#8220;one percent&#8221; to the public rights movement?<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The leaders of the Jammu Kashmir Joint Awami Action Committee have consistently stated that their movement is peaceful and that they have no connection with any armed group. Their demands are also not demands for cannons, tanks, or guns. They speak of free education, employment, cheap electricity, better internet, and basic civil rights.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Yet what a strange era it is.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Doors for negotiations can open for those who pick up weapons, but doors for negotiations with those demanding books, employment, electricity, and the internet are firmly shut.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>In the past, the state negotiated with Sufi Muhammad, tested avenues of negotiation in the case of Ghazi Abdul Rasheed, held multiple rounds of talks with Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), and even discussed the resettlement of TTP elements returning from Afghanistan. The question remains the same: if the one who takes up a gun can be &#8220;one of us,&#8221; why not the one who asks for rights?<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Perhaps the issue is not the demand, but identity.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Perhaps &#8220;one&#8217;s own&#8221; is he who stands before power with a gun, and an &#8220;outsider&#8221; is he who carries a petition in his hand to hold authorities accountable for his rights.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>A quote by Baloch nationalist leader Ataullah Mengal comes to mind at this juncture. He used to say that we have grown old, perhaps we will find a way out; we are not emotional, but it is possible the coming Baloch generation may refuse to talk altogether.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>This statement is not merely a phrase from the history of Balochistan. It is a warning for every region where, instead of listening to the questions of the people, a line of division is drawn between &#8220;us&#8221; and &#8220;them.&#8221;<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>In Pakistan-administered Kashmir, too, that line is perhaps gradually deepening.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>On one side, the government says:<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>&#8220;Ninety-nine percent are our own.&#8221;<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>On the other side, those exact ninety-nine percent have been on the streets for three years, sitting in sit-ins, conducting long marches, and reiterating their demands.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>So the question is not who the one percent is.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The real question is: how long will the ninety-nine percent have to keep proving that they are &#8220;our own&#8221;?<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Governments do not prove themselves to be of the people by calling them their own, but by listening to what the people have to say.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>And the greatest tragedy of history is that when rulers begin to fear the questions of their own people, they first call them &#8220;miscreants,&#8221; then &#8220;outsiders,&#8221; and finally find themselves recorded on the pages of history as rulers who failed to hear the voice of their own people.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The sit-in in Rawalakot is perhaps awaiting that very answer:<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>If ninety-nine percent are truly your own, then why is there so much delay in talking to them?<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong><mark style=\"background-color:rgba(0, 0, 0, 0)\" class=\"has-inline-color has-vivid-red-color\">\u066d\u066d\u066d<\/mark><\/strong><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Regarding the people sitting at the sit-in in Rawalakot, the region&#8217;s Prime Minister, Iftikhar Gilani, remarked: &#8220;Ninety-nine percent of the people sitting in Rawalakot are our own.&#8221;<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":3722,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_themeisle_gutenberg_block_has_review":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[28],"tags":[136,40,55,102,94,34,46,37],"class_list":["post-3721","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-opinion","tag-farhan-tariq","tag-government-of-pakistan","tag-government-of-pok","tag-jkjaac","tag-kashmir","tag-pakistan","tag-pakistan-army","tag-pok"],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO Premium plugin v25.5 (Yoast SEO v28.7) - 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